Review of Michelle Ann Abate's Raising Your Kids Right: Children's Literature and American Political Conservatism (Rutgers University Press, 2011). ISBN: 978-0-8135-4798-5 (cloth). 260 pages.
Review by Campbell Scribner
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Last year, Andrew Hartman referenced Michelle Abate's Raising Your Kids Right in a post about children’s literature as intellectual history. He was mildly critical of the book (and the genre) because of its implicit focus on the political agendas of authors, parents, and other adults rather than on the mentalities of children themselves.
Having since read the book, I would expand that criticism: I am not sure Abate gets the adults right, either.
Despite the kitschy cover illustration, Raising Your Children Right does not reach further back than the 1990s and makes little effort at historical analysis. Rather, Abate’s formula is to take a children's book marketed to conservative parents (e.g. The Truax, the lumber industry's response to Dr. Seuss's The Lorax; or Ann Coulter-style books for kids), point out its underlying political assumptions, and in alarmist tones inveigh against indoctrination.
There are some obvious problems with that approach.
First, despite providing a pretty cogent history of right-wing politics since the 1960s, Abate uses the word "conservative" far too broadly. For her, in fact, it seems interchangeable with the words “histrionic,” “retrograde,” and “racist” (pgs. 35, 37, 180-181). Yet it is unclear what is pejoratively conservative about a book like Tim Russert's memoir Big Russ and Me, which describes “the indelible bond that links him to his father,” unless the Right has so thoroughly monopolized the language of "family values" that liberals now come out against parenthood (pg. 3).
Past children's literature has likewise taught values of obedience, piety, and loyalty. Are these traits from which we should now shield our children, or only expose them to in the context of civil rights struggles and "postmodernist thought" (pg. 31)? That seems to be Abate's primary criticism of The Book of Virtues, a collection of inspirational writing edited by William Bennett, which is guilty of including “overwhelmingly...historical selections from white, middle-class Europeans” (pg. 39). Abate seems unbothered that these writers include Tolstoy, Emerson, Faulkner, and others whose politics hardly align (how could they?) with those of the modern Right. While I am certainly in favor of expanding traditional canons and including as many voices as possible, to niggle about whether a volume contains enough writing by African-Americans (five pieces, in this case) or Native Americans (two, with caveats) seems to fall back on the worst sort of politically correct multiculturalism and to ignore the many areas in which the Right—despite its insistence on colorblindness—has conceded the need for at least token diversity (pg. 40).
Abate's focus on culture-war fodder leads not only to a weirdly narrow view of conservatism, but of what qualifies as literature at all. More than simply reactionary, the titles that she analyzes are reactive, far too derivative and polemical to be considered art. None have aged well, and basing a book on them seems somewhat like tying a millstone around one's neck. Perhaps some disgruntled parents buy these titles for their children, but Abate does little to prove that children read or are in any way inspired by them.
Rather than capturing conservative writing at its smallest, Abate could have written a much more meaningful book about what conservatives actually think will interest or ennoble their children. Prefacing her discussion of The Book of Virtues, for example, with selections from C.S. Lewis, Pilgrim's Progress, McGuffey's Readers, or other conservative favorites would accrue more historical weight to her argument and preclude the sort of caricature and dismissal that seems to underlie much of her analysis. If she were interested in more recent conservative titles, Alan Levinovitz (University of Chicago) has posted a provocative collection of them that bear serious consideration from parents and librarians.
The sort of treatment I have in mind appears in a recent Religion & Politics article by Molly Worthen (Yale, PhD. in American religious history), who sets out to explain evangelicals' “special affection for Christian gurus of British extraction,” including Lewis, J.R.R. Tolkien, John Stott, and others. Ever since falling victim to the poison pen of H.L. Mencken, Worthen writes, American evangelicals “have been struggling to overcome an intellectual inferiority complex, to convince the wider world that confidence in the Bible’s authority is compatible with scholarly achievement.” British writers, unburdened by the anti-modernism and anti-intellectualism of American fundamentalists, provide a means to do so.
Worthen is not naive about this phenomenon. “Many evangelicals seem to idealize a long lost arcadia where professor-clergymen praise theology as queen of the sciences and manly Livingstonian missionaries conquer Africa in the name of Christendom,” she writes, “rather than Britannia as she truly is, secularist, multi-cultural warts and all. This is Anglophilia’s dark side. When it drives evangelicals to study in a grey Oxford tower because there no professor will force them to read books that challenge their preexisting ideas, or when it fetishizes sherry and tweed jackets as a highbrow varnish on small-minded prejudices, it becomes mere pretense.”
Nonetheless, Worthen applauds Christians’ efforts to wriggle out of their intellectual straightjackets, and welcomes the intellectual and spiritual space that transnational reading affords. It is that space, I suspect—with its mixture of insecurity, aspiration, tradition, and romanticism—that truly informs coming-of-age reading lists on the Right, much as the same values do on the Left.
Kamis, 31 Mei 2012
Rabu, 30 Mei 2012
Black Freedom Movement Course: Chronological
After thinking long and hard about the comments on last week's post and reading parts of Teaching the American Civil Rights Movement, I have developed a new Black Freedom Movement syllabus.
My primary concern is that this one has too much reading. If there are any suggestions for cutting material, I'd be glad to hear it. If you suggest adding something, please also suggest cutting something. I really appreciate your help!
My primary concern is that this one has too much reading. If there are any suggestions for cutting material, I'd be glad to hear it. If you suggest adding something, please also suggest cutting something. I really appreciate your help!
Books
Davis, Angela. An Autobiography
Dudziak, Mary. Cold War Civil Rights
Hedgeman, Anna Arnold The Trumpet Sounds: A Memoir of Negro Leadership
Jones, Patrick. The Selma of the North: Civil Rights Insurgency in Milwaukee,
Loury, Glenn. Race, Incarceration, and American Values
Loury, Glenn. Race, Incarceration, and American Values
Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks
McGuire, Danielle L. At the Dark End of the Street: Black Women, Rape, and Resistance--A New History of the Civil Rights Movement from Rosa Parks to the Rise of Black Power
Moody, Anne. Coming of Age in Mississippi
Week 1 –Introduction to the Topic and the Course
Wed August 29--Introduction
Fri August 30—Meanings of Freedom
*Anonymous, personal essays about experience of race due
Week 2—1930s
Mon September 3—Labor Day NO CLASS
Wed Sept 5— The Great Depression
Reading: The Trumpet Sounds: A Memoir of Negro Leadership by Anna Arnold Hedgeman (first half)
Fri Sept 7— The Scottsboro Boys
Reading: The Trumpet Sounds: A Memoir of Negro Leadership by Anna Arnold Hedgeman (second half)
Week 3—1940s
Mon Sept 10—Double V campaign
Reading: Andrew E. Kersten, “African Americans and World War II” OAH Magazine of History, Vol. 16, No. 3, World War II Homefront (Spring, 2002), pp. 13-17 (JSTOR)
Wed Sept 12—First March on Washington and A. Phillip Randolph
Reading: Anna Arnold Hedgeman, “The Role of the Negro Woman” Journal of Educational Sociology, Vol. 17, No. 8 (Apr., 1944), pp. 463-472 (JSTOR)
Fri Sept 14—The Road to Brown--film
Week 4—1950s, Sexualized violence and the Montgomery Bus Boycott
Mon Sept 17: Emmett Till
Reading: Danielle L. McGuire, At the Dark End of the Street, Prologue, Chapters 1-2
Wed Sept 19: The Women of Montgomery and Rosa Parks’ Legacy
Reading: Danielle L. McGuire, At the Dark End of the Street, Prologue, Chapters 3-4
Fri Sept 21: A New Minister Steps Forward
Reading: Danielle L. McGuire, At the Dark End of the Street, Chapters 5-6
Week 5—1950s, Two leaders
Mon Sept 24: Martin Luther King, Jr. and the SCLC
Students do research at the King archives (bring laptops to class)
Wed Sept 26: Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam
Reading: Excerpts from Malcolm X Speaks
Fri Sept 28: Discussion
Week 6—1950s-60s, National Government’s Response and Cold War Civil Rights
Mon Oct 1: Eisenhower
Reading: Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights, Chapter 4
Wed Oct 3: Kennedy
Reading: Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights, Chapter 5
Fri Oct 5:Johnson
Reading: Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights, Chapter 6
Danielle L. McGuire, At the Dark End of the Street, Prologue, Chapter 7
Week 7--1960s, Student Activism
Mon Oct 8: Greensboro, NC
Reading: Anne Moody, Coming of Age in Mississippi, Parts 1 and 2
Wed Oct 10: Ella Baker and the Development of SNCC
Reading: Anne Moody, Coming of Age in Mississippi, Part 3
Fri Oct 12: Freedom Summer
Reading: Anne Moody, Coming of Age in Mississippi, Part 4
Week 8— Media
Mon Oct 15— Role of Photography
Reading: Students research local newspapers, bring laptops to class
Wed Oct 17— Martin Luther King Jr. on Meet the Press
Fri Oct 19— Talk to Me movie
Week 9—1964 Democratic Convention Project
Reading: Student research
Mon Oct 22— in class debate
Wed Oct 24— in class debate
Fri Oct 26— in class debate
**First draft of Papers Due on 1964 Democratic Convention Project
Week 10—The North
Mon Oct 29: The Fight for Jobs
Reading: Patrick Jones, The Selma of the North: Civil Rights Insurgency in Milwaukee, Introduction, Chapters 1-3
Wed Oct 31: Self-defense
Reading: Patrick Jones, The Selma of the North: Civil Rights Insurgency in Milwaukee, Chapters 4-6
Fri Nov 2: Rioting in the aftermath of King’s assassination
Reading: Patrick Jones, The Selma of the North: Civil Rights Insurgency in Milwaukee, Chapters 7-9 and conclusion
Week 11-- Black Panthers
Mon Nov 5: SNNC and Black Power
Reading: Angela Davis, Autobiography, Parts 1 and 2
Wed Nov 7: California Black Panthers
Reading: Angela Davis, Autobiography, Parts 3 and 4
Fri Nov 9: FBI repression; Killing of Fred Hampton in Chicago
Reading: Angela Davis, Autobiography, Parts 5 and 6
Week 12-- Black Student Protests and the beginning of Black Studies
Mon Nov 12: Black Student Protests at Columbia and elsewhere
Wed Nov 14: archives
Fri Nov 16: discussion
Week 13—Civil Rights and Black Power in Memory
Mon Nov 19—Student research
**Second Draft of Research Papers due
Reading: Online research into memorialization of the CRM; bring laptops to class
Wed Nov 21—Thanksgiving Break
Fri Nov 23—Thanksgiving Break
Week 14—Age of Mass Incarceration
Mon Nov 26: Discussion
Reading: Danielle L. McGuire, At the Dark End of the Street, Prologue, Chapter 7 and epilogue
Wed Nov 28: Discussion
Reading: Glenn Loury’s Race, Incarceration, and American Values Chapter I
Fri Nov 30: Discussion
Reading: Glenn Loury’s Race, Incarceration, and American Values Chapter II section by Loic Wacquant
Week 15—“Post-Racial America”
Mon Dec 3 Film: Precious Knowledge
Wed Dec 5 Film: Precious Knowledge
Fri Dec 7: Discussion
Reading: Barack Obama’s 2010 Speech on Race
Finals week—Take Home Final
Selasa, 29 Mei 2012
CFP Deadline!
A gentle reminder from the 2012 S-USIH conference committee: The submission deadline is this Friday. The CFP can be found here.
Senin, 28 Mei 2012
An American Orthodoxy
Last week on Facebook, Andrew Hartman posted the following fbleg from a friend:
Dear academic friends: Please help! A friend of mine is seeking texts for a student (see his query below):
Can you think of a good text in the modern American context that would help my student (and me) learn about the tension between orthodoxy and dissidence that is not so removed from her own experience and reading? I think TV and other tools of cultural, political, and intellectual homogenization create the impression that "we are one", that the counter-culture on the left and right are simply insane, whacko. What would represent orthodoxy or the mainstream? Barack Obama's autobiography? Something by Thomas Friedman? The counter narrative? Cornell West? Glen Beck? Maybe you can think of relevant films?I thought that this was an interesting, but poorly framed, query. As I wrote in response:
I don't think most people in this country feel they belong to a consensual center, beset by whackos, left and right. I think that view--which is, roughly, the Tom Friedman view--belongs to a neoliberal, self-understood "center" that represents a tiny minority of the public (though a big chunk of the policy elite). More people, I think, see themselves as representing some version of "real America" with whackos besetting them from only one side (left or right, depending on which real America we're talking about). I find it difficult to discover any kind of actual consensual "center" in American culture today...except for things that are to us as water is to fish (necessary but invisible), e.g. the English language and capitalism itself, i.e. stuff we take for granted, not things that appear in particular books or movies.
But, in fact, there is at least one thing that does form something like a consensual center to American culture today: an abiding faith in the military. Americans disagree about what our military role should be in Afghanistan. We are deeply divided about the proper level of military spending and even about our state of military readiness. But the military remains far and away the most trusted institution in American life.
Since 1973, Gallup has conducted an annual survey of public confidence in fifteen key institutions. Since the mid-1980s, the most trusted institution has been the military. In the most recent survey, taken about eleven months ago, 78% of those surveyed had "a great deal of" or "quite a lot of" confidence in the military. Sixteeen per cent had "some" confidence in the military. Only 3% had little or none. While confidence in most institutions is well below historical averages, confidence in the military is 11% higher than average.*
As we celebrate Memorial Day, I think this particular cultural orthodoxy bears some further consideration.
Trust in the military as an institution is not at all support for any particular U.S. military action. Indeed, most Americans want to see us out of Afghanistan. Nor is it the same thing, necessarily, as "supporting the troops," though in fact, Americans today overwhelmingly do this (or at least pay lip service to doing this).
Historically Americans have often expressed solidarity with those in the military while questioning the institution of the military itself. During World War II, Bill Mauldin's iconic cartoons of frontline soldiers lampooned and criticized army brass as consistently as they celebrated the men-in-arms. And although often falsely remembered as expressing simple hatred toward soldiers, Vietnam-era anti-war activists frequently reached out to men in uniform and encouraged them to revolt against the military.
The most famous example of this kind of activism may be Jane Fonda and Donald Sutherland's F.T.A. Show, a kind of counter-USO show that toured (just outside) U.S. military bases in the Pacific in 1971. F.T.A. (the title stood for a variety of things, including "Free Theater Associates," "Free the Army" and "Fuck the Army") was made into a documentary film that was released in '72 and apparently swiftly suppressed; tellingly, it was recently rereleased and largely ignored:
But of course today's military is rather unlike the Vietnam-era military. As the former Dartmouth President and Marine Corps veteran James Wright notes in his new book "Those Who Have Borne the Battle" (reviewed by Andrew Bacevich in this week's New York Times Book Review), having for most of our history fought major wars with militaries composed of male citizens conscripted during wartime, the U.S. departed from this pattern during the last century, first by adopting peacetime conscription as a readiness measure in 1940, and then by going to an All-Volunteer Force in the 1970s. The volunteer military finally put an end to the citizen-soldier tradition already badly strained by the Korean and Vietnam Wars. Though the Vietnam-era draft was far from socially equitable, the post-Vietnam, volunteer military is more socially discrete and disconnected from large parts of U.S. society than any wartime military in America's past.
As Bacevich notes (quoting Wright):
In places like Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States still fights ambiguous no‑win wars in pursuit of elusive objectives. Yet in contrast to the reaction to Vietnam, the public finds these conflicts tolerable. Not required to serve or to sacrifice (or even to cover the costs incurred), Americans have effectively off-loaded responsibility for national security onto a small warrior elite, whose members, according to Wright, “are embraced as heroes, even as we do not really know them.”Although he readily admits that he does not know how to change this situation, Bacevich has long argued that endless war fought by a small, warrior class is a very dangerous thing, both for the world at large and for the United States.
On this Memorial Day, rather than joining in the celebration of this warrior elite -- as Charlie Pierce recently noted in an excellent post criticizing this emergent military aristocracy, "every day these days, apparently, is Memorial Day"-- let me suggest a heterodox approach to this holiday: use the various pious invocations of our military that you encounter as occasions to question how we got here and to think about ways in which we might think differently about both the military as an institution and the people who it employs. Like Bacevich and Wright I don't think there are any easy answers to how we get out of the situation we're in. But the first step is to realize that we have a problem.
And to return to Andrew Hartman's friend's fbleg, let me close by suggesting a film that embodies a countercultural view of these matters: Paul Verhoeven's brilliant satire of militarism, Starship Troopers (1997), currently available on Netflix instant view. Having missed it when it came out, I finally saw it a couple weeks ago and it far exceeded my expectations. Verhoeven is, to say the least, an uneven filmmaker. At the time of its release, audiences and critics apparently did not entirely understand that the film was satirical, a failure that's especially surprising given the great success of Verhoeven's equally satirical Robocop a decade earlier. But while Robocop clearly laughs at its characters, Starship Troopers is much more deadpan. The film's own (apparent) attitude to its material, which is in many ways pretty typical of militarized space operas, is itself an object of satire.** In a way, audiences' failure to get Starship Troopers' satire was a measure of its timeliness.
Have a happy Memorial Day, everyone!
__________________________________________________
* Small business finished second with 64% in the "great deal" / "quite a lot" category; the police were third at 56%. All other institutions scored under 50%, with organized labor (21%), big business (19%), HMOs (19%), and Congress (12%) at the bottom of the list.
** Sometimes the film is described as a satire of fascism, but I think this, too, misunderstands Starship Troopers. Certainly Verhoeven is playing with the rhetoric of fascism, but the world government and its military depicted in Starship Troopers, and the film itself, mix-and-match the look and feel of classical fascism with very American tropes.
Sabtu, 26 Mei 2012
Message Seeks Medium: Babin, McLuhan, and Franciscans
I spent part of this past week working on a new book project in Los Angeles and Santa Barbara (not bad, I know). I am writing on how a various orders of Franciscans (both men and women) used various forms of media to spread a somewhat common message. My pithy way of describing this project is to say that I am studying the way a message searched for a medium. Obviously a play on Marshall McLuhan's famous way of describing the new age of electronic communication, I adopted my description fully ignorant of how apt it actually is to describe by topic.
When I speak to people about Franciscan media, I usually get either a vacant nod or a question about what a Franciscan is. In the photo above, the Franciscan in this instance is Karl Holsteidner, who at the time of the photo was a Franciscan priest who helped found and run Franciscan Communications in Los Angeles for almost 30 years. Karl was not trained in the field he became an expert in, but he was and remains a committed Franciscan theologically. The poster he holds in the photo hints at the role he played in media--he used television and the episodes he produced from the ground up to bring the message of St. Francis of Assisi to millions of viewers. In this way, Karl and his associates in Franciscan Communications hoped to carry out the charge of their founder to preach the gospel and when necessary use words.
Now, the folks at Franciscan Communications did not make silent films, they used words, but they found new media--visual media--especially intriguing because it had the potential to generate an emotional experience for millions of viewers at the same time. Of course, that had been the power of visual mass media from the start--the movies were dangerous not because they showed nudity or crime or scandalous ideas but because they generated an immediate connection to millions of people watching them. While movies and their makers have never been found legally culpable for instigating a crime, their power to come very close to that line is a big part of their magic.
When I spoke to Karl and other people involved in Franciscan media--such as Fr. Anthony Scannell (of the now defunct Franciscan Communications) and Greg Friedman (of Franciscan Media)--they all mentioned one name as being particular influential in their understanding of the power of media to evangelize--Pierre Babin. Babin was a religious member of the Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate, a frankly brave order of Catholic men and women who pledge to serve dangerous and damaged communities in the name of Jesus Christ and, in the spirit of the Gospels, to care for those in need. As such, Babin evidently spent the latter half of his life pioneering a way to render the immediate emotional impact of the Gospels through new media. As Angela Ann Zukowski explains: "Babin understood that audiovisual media in general was an extension and modification of the body. He wrote, 'When we say Christ's Body, we only give a Christian name to there term of medium. Evangelizing in the media age is embodying Christ. Through the media, through ourselves, we make Christ a medium.'"
Zukowski points to perhaps the most influential book written by Babin, 'The New Era in Religious Communication,' as a watershed moment, not merely because of Babin's own innovations, but because his thinking had found unity with the other giant of mass media theory, Marshall McLuhan. While I have read some of McLuhan's work, I was about as ignorant of the significance he assigned to his own Catholic faith as I was of the significance of Babin's media theory. Throughout the 1970s, Babin and McLuhan entered into a fruitful conversation about faith, culture, and the evolution of electronic communication. It is a conversation that I have just begun to discover and mull over. And it raises a historiographical question for me: in all my reading about the rise of Christian evangelicals and fundamentalists, I have come to understand thoroughly their achievement--both financial and technological--to use and then dominant new media as a way to expand their missions and their power. What I have utterly missed was the McLuhan connection to a part of the Catholic Church that has traditionally been cast as the brown-rob wearing friars taking care of the poor. My pithy way of describing a project I thought was destined to be quite straight-forward has become considerably more complex. While the Franciscans I am studying always lagged well behind their Protestant counterparts in fundraising through new media, I now wonder if these devotees to the poor actually understood and exemplified McLuhan's media as culture theory better than almost any other group.
I am at the beginning of my research and have gained a great deal from my initial discussions with the Franciscans who have generously helped me thus far. I wonder if any of our readers has experience with the media-religion axis that they might share.
When I speak to people about Franciscan media, I usually get either a vacant nod or a question about what a Franciscan is. In the photo above, the Franciscan in this instance is Karl Holsteidner, who at the time of the photo was a Franciscan priest who helped found and run Franciscan Communications in Los Angeles for almost 30 years. Karl was not trained in the field he became an expert in, but he was and remains a committed Franciscan theologically. The poster he holds in the photo hints at the role he played in media--he used television and the episodes he produced from the ground up to bring the message of St. Francis of Assisi to millions of viewers. In this way, Karl and his associates in Franciscan Communications hoped to carry out the charge of their founder to preach the gospel and when necessary use words.
Now, the folks at Franciscan Communications did not make silent films, they used words, but they found new media--visual media--especially intriguing because it had the potential to generate an emotional experience for millions of viewers at the same time. Of course, that had been the power of visual mass media from the start--the movies were dangerous not because they showed nudity or crime or scandalous ideas but because they generated an immediate connection to millions of people watching them. While movies and their makers have never been found legally culpable for instigating a crime, their power to come very close to that line is a big part of their magic.
When I spoke to Karl and other people involved in Franciscan media--such as Fr. Anthony Scannell (of the now defunct Franciscan Communications) and Greg Friedman (of Franciscan Media)--they all mentioned one name as being particular influential in their understanding of the power of media to evangelize--Pierre Babin. Babin was a religious member of the Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate, a frankly brave order of Catholic men and women who pledge to serve dangerous and damaged communities in the name of Jesus Christ and, in the spirit of the Gospels, to care for those in need. As such, Babin evidently spent the latter half of his life pioneering a way to render the immediate emotional impact of the Gospels through new media. As Angela Ann Zukowski explains: "Babin understood that audiovisual media in general was an extension and modification of the body. He wrote, 'When we say Christ's Body, we only give a Christian name to there term of medium. Evangelizing in the media age is embodying Christ. Through the media, through ourselves, we make Christ a medium.'"
Zukowski points to perhaps the most influential book written by Babin, 'The New Era in Religious Communication,' as a watershed moment, not merely because of Babin's own innovations, but because his thinking had found unity with the other giant of mass media theory, Marshall McLuhan. While I have read some of McLuhan's work, I was about as ignorant of the significance he assigned to his own Catholic faith as I was of the significance of Babin's media theory. Throughout the 1970s, Babin and McLuhan entered into a fruitful conversation about faith, culture, and the evolution of electronic communication. It is a conversation that I have just begun to discover and mull over. And it raises a historiographical question for me: in all my reading about the rise of Christian evangelicals and fundamentalists, I have come to understand thoroughly their achievement--both financial and technological--to use and then dominant new media as a way to expand their missions and their power. What I have utterly missed was the McLuhan connection to a part of the Catholic Church that has traditionally been cast as the brown-rob wearing friars taking care of the poor. My pithy way of describing a project I thought was destined to be quite straight-forward has become considerably more complex. While the Franciscans I am studying always lagged well behind their Protestant counterparts in fundraising through new media, I now wonder if these devotees to the poor actually understood and exemplified McLuhan's media as culture theory better than almost any other group.
I am at the beginning of my research and have gained a great deal from my initial discussions with the Franciscans who have generously helped me thus far. I wonder if any of our readers has experience with the media-religion axis that they might share.
Jumat, 25 Mei 2012
The Company We Keep
Before I was a regular blogger here -- before I had even left my first faltering comment as the far-more-mysterious-than-I-intended-to-be "LD" -- I started a personal blog about the process of becoming a historian. My blogospheric venture was hardly unique. Lots of PhD students blog -- it can be a way of finding your footing, getting your bearings, training your voice. That's how it worked for me, anyhow.
The very first post I wrote on that blog was a meditation on the uncanny experience of reading the scholarship of a now-deceased historian named, delightfully, Rising Lake Morrow. I considered how it is possible that I as a reader can be "in conversation" with this author.
I wrote:
As I mentioned in a comment on Andrew's post of earlier this week, I have spent the past several days working through the historiography/theory section of my exam list for U.S. Intellectual and Cultural History.
Yes, I'm overly concerned that I must master this material well enough to give a good account of myself during my written and oral qualifying exams. Yes, I'm unreasonably annoyed with myself for not having acquired such mastery yet. How can I be so patient with my students, yet so impatient with myself? (Don't answer that! It's a rhetorical question, not an invitation for armchair analysis.) Yet despite my angst about my (in)sufficient command of these texts after a whole week of reading (!), despite the impostor syndrome that flares up every time I come across an untranslated German phrase ("How can I be a Real Historian unless I read German?!") -- despite all that, beneath all that, runs a deep, broad current of contentment.
As I read these historians, as I try to understand the sense they have made of the work and worth and wisdom of history, I am filled with an overwhelming sense of gratitude. I am thankful for them, for their life's work, thankful that they have written what I am reading. Whatever ideas or insights or arguments I take from their pages, I am at the last simply grateful for their company.
So far I have read Lovejoy, Collingwood, Mink, Fritz Stern's marvelous anthology of historical writing from Voltaire to C. Vann Woodward, the proceedings of the Wingspread Conference, Joan Scott, and Hayden White. Right now I'm making my way (again) through Peter Novick's That Noble Dream, and enjoying every word of it.
I know, I know. I'm not expected to read every word of every text on my list -- this is what my profs tell me, this is what my colleagues who have already passed their exams tell me. Practically speaking, I just need to read enough to sound like I know what I'm talking about. There are some texts I will need to read more closely than others; there are some texts I would do well to skim.
But when it comes to this section of my list, I must confess to intransigent impracticality. I will do no skimming here; I don't want to miss a word. For me, reading what historians have had to say about what it means to think about history or write history, what it means to be a historian, is an absolute delight. And if I cannot take delight in my work -- well, then why the hell bother?
Now and then as I have made my way through this reading, I have tweeted a snippet of a sentence or a part of a phrase that struck me as wise or funny or challenging. But it is rare indeed to come across a historical aphorism of 140 characters or less. It takes Hayden White twice that long to get to his first comma. So I have been able to quote only sparingly from texts that are anything but spare. Rich, bracing, brilliant, daunting, deep -- that's what this reading has been so far.
Allow me, reader, to share some of these delights with you, before returning to the question of the value of studying history.
From Lovejoy:
This whole blog post may be an exercise in flaneurisme. But I hope it testifies not only to the values I carry to history, but to the value I find in it -- although, if I have understood Hayden White correctly, perhaps there is no difference.
Nevertheless, the value of history is not exhausted by the uses we can make of it. There is value (and perhaps not a little danger, not a little risk) in what history makes of us, how the study of history can shape us, how the company we keep as historians might help to make us more fit company for those who walk along with us, and for those who follow after.
The very first post I wrote on that blog was a meditation on the uncanny experience of reading the scholarship of a now-deceased historian named, delightfully, Rising Lake Morrow. I considered how it is possible that I as a reader can be "in conversation" with this author.
I wrote:
The term "conversation," though, implies some degree of mutuality and perhaps intentionality. So is it fair to apply it to my reading of Morrow? After all, I can choose Morrow as a partner in dialogue; he cannot choose me. Eighty years after his article was published, I doubt that he is around to make any more choices -- just as Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, and James Madison were unavailable for comment when Morrow drew upon their writings for his article of 1936.I have been thinking a great deal lately about the value of history, the value of being -- or becoming -- a historian.
But even when those men were writing for the exigencies of the present, they knew they were writing for the future too. And when Morrow published his article about their thinking, he was writing not only for his contemporaries but also for the generations of scholars who he expected to succeed him, as scholars do. In a way, then, Morrow did choose to converse with me. As the writer to the Hebrews put it, "By faith he, though dead, yet speaketh."
This is the faith of scholarship: believing that our work might speak not only to the questions of the moment but also to those questioners whose time is yet to come. And upon this faith is built the secular ekklesia of the academy -- not the communion of saints, but the communion of sages. We converse with each other, and with scholars of generations past, for the benefit not only of ourselves but for all the scholars who will follow us. We respond to living texts and dead authors, not to pass the time or fill the world with words, but to say something worth our own and others' time right now that might still have value later.
As I mentioned in a comment on Andrew's post of earlier this week, I have spent the past several days working through the historiography/theory section of my exam list for U.S. Intellectual and Cultural History.
Yes, I'm overly concerned that I must master this material well enough to give a good account of myself during my written and oral qualifying exams. Yes, I'm unreasonably annoyed with myself for not having acquired such mastery yet. How can I be so patient with my students, yet so impatient with myself? (Don't answer that! It's a rhetorical question, not an invitation for armchair analysis.) Yet despite my angst about my (in)sufficient command of these texts after a whole week of reading (!), despite the impostor syndrome that flares up every time I come across an untranslated German phrase ("How can I be a Real Historian unless I read German?!") -- despite all that, beneath all that, runs a deep, broad current of contentment.
As I read these historians, as I try to understand the sense they have made of the work and worth and wisdom of history, I am filled with an overwhelming sense of gratitude. I am thankful for them, for their life's work, thankful that they have written what I am reading. Whatever ideas or insights or arguments I take from their pages, I am at the last simply grateful for their company.
So far I have read Lovejoy, Collingwood, Mink, Fritz Stern's marvelous anthology of historical writing from Voltaire to C. Vann Woodward, the proceedings of the Wingspread Conference, Joan Scott, and Hayden White. Right now I'm making my way (again) through Peter Novick's That Noble Dream, and enjoying every word of it.
I know, I know. I'm not expected to read every word of every text on my list -- this is what my profs tell me, this is what my colleagues who have already passed their exams tell me. Practically speaking, I just need to read enough to sound like I know what I'm talking about. There are some texts I will need to read more closely than others; there are some texts I would do well to skim.
But when it comes to this section of my list, I must confess to intransigent impracticality. I will do no skimming here; I don't want to miss a word. For me, reading what historians have had to say about what it means to think about history or write history, what it means to be a historian, is an absolute delight. And if I cannot take delight in my work -- well, then why the hell bother?
Now and then as I have made my way through this reading, I have tweeted a snippet of a sentence or a part of a phrase that struck me as wise or funny or challenging. But it is rare indeed to come across a historical aphorism of 140 characters or less. It takes Hayden White twice that long to get to his first comma. So I have been able to quote only sparingly from texts that are anything but spare. Rich, bracing, brilliant, daunting, deep -- that's what this reading has been so far.
Allow me, reader, to share some of these delights with you, before returning to the question of the value of studying history.
From Lovejoy:
"It is the beliefs which are so much a matter of course that they are rather tacitly presupposed than formally expressed and argued for, the ways of thinking which seem so natural and inevitable that they are not scrutinized with the eye of logical self-consciousness, that often are most decisive of the character of a philosopher's doctrine." (7)From Collingwood:
"The adequate record of even the confusions of our forebears, may help, not only to clarify those confusions, but to engender a salutary doubt whether we are wholly immune from different but equally great confusions." (23)
"The historian's business is to know the past, not to know the future, and whenever historians claim to be able to determine the future in advance of its happening, we may know with certainty that something has gone wrong with their fundamental conception of history." (49)From Stern:
"Passion and ignorance have certainly done their work, and an important work, in past history, but they have never been mere passion and mere ignorance; they have been rather a blind and blundering will for good and a dim and deluded wisdom." (104)
"History is thus the self-knowledge of the living mind. For even when the events which the historian studies are events that happened in the distant past, the condition of their being historically known is that they should 'vibrate in the historian's mind', that is to say, that the evidence for them should be here and now before him and intelligible to him. For history is not contained in books or documents; it lives only, as a present interest and pursuit, in the mind of the historian when he criticizes and interprets those documents, and by so doing relives for himself the states of mind into which he inquires." (202)
"All history is the history of thought: and when an historian says that a man is in a certain situation this is the same as saying that he thinks he is in this situation....The historian thinks it a wrong way; but wrong ways of thinking are just as much historical facts as right ones, and, no less than they, determine the situation (always a thought-situation) in which the man who shares them is placed." (317)
"The historian himself cannot escape this pressure for synthesis and meaning; it is heard within the profession as well as outside....The historian cannot escape these challenges; he broods, alone or in groups, over the presuppositions of his discipline, the logic and the method of his work, the place it should occupy among other, newer pursuits." (23)From Niebuhr (in Stern):
"...the writing of history inflicts on every historian choices for which neither his method nor his material provides a ready answer. Some answers only the historian himself can give, and this has kept history a live, changing pursuit....History springs from a live concern, deals with life, serves life. A discipline so close to life cannot remain fixed; it changes with time, with the impact of new hopes, thoughts, and fears. The history of historiography records the interaction between the fixed elements in history--the critical, systematic method and the sources -- and the time-bound elements embodied in the historian." (24)
"As I said at the beginning, the historian must serve two masters, the past and the present. And while his obligation to the past, his complete, unassailable fidelity to it, must always claim his first loyalty, he must accept the fact that the choices he makes as a historian are not of consequence to him alone, but will affect the moral sense, perhaps the wisdom, of his generation. And since he knows that his own being, his intellectual capabilities and his critical faculties as well as his deeper sense of righteousness and love, are engaged in the writing of history, he knows that his work, too, is a moral act." (32)
"What Pyrrhus said to his Epirots -- ye are my wings -- expresses the feelings of the zealous teacher towards his listeners, whom he loves and who take part in his lectures with all their hearts. His own work is promoted not only by the desire to be clear, to present nothing as a truth which might admit of a doubt, but the sight of his audience and his immediate relation to it awaken a thousand thoughts while he is speaking." (53)From Macaulay (in Stern):
"When a historian is reviving former times, his interest in them and sympathy with them will be the deeper, the greater the events he has witnessed with a bleeding or a rejoicing heart." (53)
"The effect of historical reading is analogous, in many respects, to that produced by foreign travel...But men may travel far, and return with minds as contracted as if they had never stirred from their own market-town. In the same manner, men may know the dates of many battles and the genealogies of many royal houses, and yet be no wiser." (85)From Michelet (in Stern):
"Teaching did me good service. The fierce trial at colleges had altered my character...Those young people, amiable and confiding, who believed in me, reconciled me to mankind....They had done me, without knowing it, an immense service. If I had, as an historian, any special merit to sustain me on a level with my illustrious predecessors, I should owe it to teaching, which for me was friendship. Those great historians have been brilliant, judicious, and profound; as for me, I have loved more." (115)From Droysen (in Stern):
"Let it be my part in the future to have not attained, but marked, the aim of history, to have called it by a name that nobody had given it. Thierry called it narration, and M. Guizot analysis. I have named it resurrection, and this name will remain." (117)
"History is Humanity's knowledge of itself, its certainty about itself. It is not 'the light and the truth,' but a search therefor, a sermon thereupon, a consecration thereto. It is like John the Baptist, 'not that Light but sent to bear witness of that Light.'" (144)From Trevelyan (in Stern):
"What is easy to read has been difficult to write. The labour of writing and rewriting, correcting and recorrecting, is the due exacted by every good book from its author, even if he knows from the beginning exactly what he wants to say. A limpid style is invariably the result of hard labour, and the easily flowing connection of sentence with sentence and paragraph with paragraph has always been won by the sweat of the brow." (240)From Hayden White:
"If one is going to 'go to history,' one had better have an address in mind rather than go wandering around the streets of the past like a flaneur. Historical flaneurisme is undeniably enjoyable, but the history we are living today is no place for tourists. If you are going to 'go to history,' you had better have a clear idea of which history, and you had better have a pretty good notion as to whether it is hospitable to the values you carry into it." (164)
This whole blog post may be an exercise in flaneurisme. But I hope it testifies not only to the values I carry to history, but to the value I find in it -- although, if I have understood Hayden White correctly, perhaps there is no difference.
Nevertheless, the value of history is not exhausted by the uses we can make of it. There is value (and perhaps not a little danger, not a little risk) in what history makes of us, how the study of history can shape us, how the company we keep as historians might help to make us more fit company for those who walk along with us, and for those who follow after.
Kamis, 24 Mei 2012
Book Review: Seal on Horowitz's Consuming Pleasures
Review of Daniel Horowitz’s Consuming Pleasures: Intellectuals and Popular Culture in the Postwar World (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012). ISBN: 9780812243956. 491 pages.
Reviewed by Andrew Seal
Yale University
The book under review is the third that Daniel Horowitz has published on consumer culture in the United States, and it both is and isn’t useful to think of it as part of a trilogy, along with The Morality of Spending: Attitudes Toward the Consumer Society in America, 1875-1940 (1985) and The Anxieties of Affluence: Critiques of American Consumer Culture, 1939-1979 (2004). One reason in favor of doing so is simply that it puts Horowitz’s efforts into perspective: Horowitz has produced an achievement in many ways on par with Richard Slotkin’s dense and sweeping trio chronicling the place of the West in the American imagination, one of the very few other instances of such sustained scholarly diligence.[1]
It is clear that Horowitz himself sees Consuming Pleasures as building on the arguments of the previous two works, providing a further development of “the subject I have been working on since the early 1970s, the story of how intellectuals have responded to affluence and consumer culture” (x). Consuming Pleasures advances this story by tracking a new development in this debate: the emergence of a “postmoralism” or an “anthropological outlook on culture” which superseded the “new moralism” of modernist disdain and paternalistic expertise (the subject of Anxieties of Affluence), the position which in its own day had supplanted the more traditional moralism of self-restraint and parsimony (The Morality of Spending).
Horowitz argues that, in the heady first flush of the postwar U.S. economic boom, and in the slowly reconstructing and still rationing European envy of that prosperity, the seeds were sown for what was at first, for figures like David Riesman, the early Marshall McLuhan, Roland Barthes, and Richard Hoggart, a hesitant détente between intellectuals and “popular culture.” That thaw then gradually became, for Tom Wolfe, Herbert Gans, Stuart Hall, and Susan Sontag, a more engaged if not fully appreciative approach to the study of “consumer culture.” Pluralist assessments of cultural validity and worth reluctantly edged out hierarchical standards and fixed canons, with critics locating newfound resources for bottom-up creativity and even individuality within what was previously considered the top-down and stultifying domains of mass culture. By 1972, Horowitz argues, cultural critics like Robert Venturi and Denise Scott Brown had begun not only to tinker with the distinctions between high and low culture, but to argue for the suspension of such segmentations altogether. Such critics emphasized the emancipatory or even utopian promise of consumption, identifying within it an entirely malleable system of communication, a realm of free play and self-creation.
Like the prior two works, Consuming Pleasurestracks the shifts and rearticulations of these broad, society-wide dispositions through the writings of a deep roster of prominent intellectuals. It has long been one of Horowitz’s signal strengths to work over the contents of important texts and corpora in subtle ways through novel juxtapositions and insightful re-readings. Horowitz has expanded the boundaries of intellectual history in small but appreciable ways by, as he put it in The Morality of Spending, “insist[ing] on the benefits of exploring the interplay between the related stories of how Americans spent their money and how writers thought they should. The juxtapositions of data and advice enables us to see how changes in the standard of living prompted reconsiderations of the dilemmas of affluence, as well as how attitudes toward spending shaped the investigations” (Morality, xix).
In fact, Consuming Pleasures is far less interested in the data and investigations of consumer spending. The intellectuals it treats are more like organic intellectuals than were the figures covered in Morality of Spending or Anxieties of Affluence, speaking less as policy or corporate experts and more often as critics attempting, like the rest of the populace, to make a life inside consumer culture. Yet the feedback loop between prescription and description, between is and ought, is still the dominant motif of Consuming Pleasures. While the intellectuals of this book were not as insistent on knowing better as were figures like Simon Patten, Thorstein Veblen, John Kenneth Galbraith, or Christopher Lasch, the “postmoralist” critics—Wolfe, McLuhan, Sontag, Venturi and Scott Brown—still insisted on being in the know. And being on the cultural bleeding edge often pushed these postmoralists to turn prescriptive in spite of themselves, becoming advocates if by nothing other than the momentum of their predictions of consumer culture’s success and of its viability as a permanent and versatile social force. Part of the book’s own pleasures lie in Horowitz’s skillful reconstruction of these vexed and overdetermined positions.
While Horowitz’s ability to excavate the nuances of tone and disposition from a rich archival trove is impressively graceful, the foregoing account may not overturn or greatly complicate what the reader already knows of the intellectual transformations of the postwar decades, and indeed Horowitz freely admits in Consuming Pleasures that “some of what I say about individual books or authors is not especially new.” But he also asserts that “I demonstrate patterns and connections previously obscured by treating these texts and their authors in isolation” (11). The texts and authors covered in Consuming Pleasures do range widely, although as with the prior two works, the book’s structure has a loose, almost episodic quality which prompts the reader to wish more often for the addition or substitution of alternative authors and texts than might have been the case were Horowitz to have written a more synthetic, more argumentative account. But it is actually the question of breadth that makes Consuming Pleasures in some ways an odd man out in this trilogy, and its differences from Morality of Spending and Anxieties of Affluence provide both its greatest strengths and its disappointments.
For one thing, to characterize Consuming Pleasures as responding primarily or even principally to Horowitz’s previous works is to parochialize it excessively, for it is in many ways as much or more in dialogue with other scholars’ work than with Horowitz’s own, as tight as the thematic and methodological approaches may be. Horowitz is inordinately generous in his citations of other works, patiently reconstructing the arguments and historiographies of a formidably voluminous reservoir of scholarship. (Graduate students like myself ought both to cheer and quail at such an example.) Citing previous work by Eugene Lunn, Michael Denning, Lawrence Levine, Paul Gorman, and Andrew Ross early and often, Horowitz makes great use of this body of scholarship to take some productive shortcuts, allowing him to cover more ground and extend his reach considerably past the specific intellectuals whom he highlights.[2] Consuming Pleasures, although it was, according to Horowitz’s preface, written in about only seven years, is a work of formidable patience and detail, an aggregation and synthesis of decades worth of reading in the secondary sources. Horowitz’s command of these literatures almost redeems the standard scholarly excuse for an abbreviated, cover-your-behind footnote “The literature on this topic is vast, but… here’s what I can claim to have read.” Horowitz’s style is more, “The literature on this topic is vast, and here’s what you should know from it.”
Moving from secondary to primary sources offers another way in which Consuming Pleasures does much more than build on Horowitz’s previous work. While he drew on understudied sources before, in Consuming Pleasures, Horowitz retrieves for the English-speaking scholar an exciting new clutch of previously untranslated or exceedingly obscure articles by Roland Barthes, Umberto Eco, and Jürgen Habermas, and revives a now neglected but germinal text on popular culture, the 1964 Stuart Hall and Paddy Whannel collaboration, The Popular Arts.[3] He also continues the recuperation of C. L. R. James as a major figure of the middle decades of the twentieth century, an indispensable voice for understanding those years, despite his obscurity during them.
A large part of the excitement of opening up these documents to current scholarship is that they come as something of a historiographical surprise—not even missed in prior treatments of U.S. consumer culture, their authors considered to be part of other formations tangential at best to the “domestic” debates over mass culture, affluence, and consumerism in America. The singular methodological innovation of Consuming Pleasures is its insistence on setting the intellectual discourse on postwar consumer culture within a transatlantic frame, and doing so is, I feel, a major advance for the study of these debates and the intellectuals involved in them.
Setting forth the agenda of writing a transatlantic history of intellectual responses to consumer culture is considerably easier than writing it, however, and Consuming Pleasures accomplishes this task somewhat unevenly. Horowitz dealt with émigré intellectuals before in The Anxieties of Affluence (George Katona and Ernest Dichter), but rightly adds to that category a wider-angle consideration of transnationality, one less defined by the space of the nation-state. “The main focus here,” Horowitz writes, “is on the consequences of the flow (or blockage) of people and ideas across national borders, what the historian Thomas Bender has called the result of ‘the permeability of the nation at boundaries, the zones of contact and exchange among people, money, knowledges, and things’” (13).[4]
That indecision between “flow (or blockage)” is a risky move, but it is one that Horowitz makes central to his project, emphasizing repeatedly the ways that intellectuals on both sides of the Atlantic rather stubbornly failed to look around themselves properly to take advantage of the many concurrent ideas for how to come to terms with the postwar consumer landscape. Yet documenting—much less theorizing—how these ideas became “lost in translation,” as Horowitz prefers to describe these blockages, often requires more fancy footwork than proving a connection did occur, and the temptation for the historian to reconstruct a debate that he or she feels should have happened over those that did is a challenge to resist. At least it ensnares Horowitz a little too often, even though he admits that, while “[o]ne can only speculate about what difference it would have made to American discussions of popular culture had the works of Barthes, Benjamin, Eco, Habermas, and James been available in the immediate postwar period… [n]ot much is the best guess” (121). Still, the desire to force these texts into circulations they did not have is palpable in Consuming Pleasures, and its counterfactuality adds a touch of awkwardness.
Horowitz notes repeatedly that many of the western European texts which today can provide us with such a rich record of responses to the idea of American consumer culture were not translated into English until the tail end of the period he covers, if not later (as with the untranslated Eco, Habermas, and Barthes essays he works with).[5] Horowitz does not explore this curious fact very much, or attempt to track down the specific circumstances of when and why they were finally translated. Nor does he really make as much use as he might have of the transatlantic connections within cultural criticism generally, and the study of popular or mass culture more specifically, that preceded World War II—sources which, like José Ortega y Gasset’s The Revolt of the Masses, massively impacted the postwar debates on mass culture. The only prewar transatlantic intellectual given much treatment is T. S. Eliot.
To be fair, though, that lack of prewar coverage is not an oversight on Horowitz’s part, but a conscious argument, albeit one that is, I would argue, overly mechanical. Horowitz sees the emergence of these new attitudes toward consumer or mass culture as the ineluctable product of its postwar inundation: “[postwar c]hanges in the economy [i.e., the period of sustained prosperity through the 1950s] made consumerism so prevalent that it was hard to ascribe the consumption of goods simply or primarily to moral weakness” (8). Horowitz adds further down the page that, along with these transformations in the economic base come important superstructural considerations: “shifts in attitudes, ideas, and approaches deserve at least equal attention.” Yet the main shift Horowitz outlines is a simplistic ideological turnover: “Generational shifts played important roles, especially the waning of the memories of totalitarianism and of the prominence of writers for whom Stalinism and Nazism were central… A new set of imperatives emerged over time, in part as a result of how the waning or reconfiguration of Marxism underwrote these changes” (9). Yet Horowitz is too good a historian for these somewhat schematic arguments to bleach the nuance and subtlety of the actual content of the rest of the book; holdovers from the prewar period—including the irrepressible Dwight Macdonald and Clement Greenberg as well as the fraught memories of the Popular Front—hover over much of Horowitz’s analysis, even if they might have been more directly and profitably engaged. Horowitz’s charming preface begins with an anecdote about stumbling on a 1937 essay written by one of his high school teachers, a woman with a Yale Ph.D., on the culturally redemptive possibilities present in moviegoing. In many ways, that initial move toward the Thirties encapsulates the persistent problem Horowitz faces that so much of his history is a sequence of almost random discoveries and undiscoveries—moments when a text like his high school teacher’s essay could be swallowed for years before popping up poignantly if also somewhat inconsequentially.
The emphasis on missed connections overall gives Consuming Pleasures a rather ghostly feel—an effect heightened by the continuing reverberations of the death of Susan Sontag, who in many ways anchors the back half of the book. Horowitz makes wonderful use of her recently published journals, and the opening up of these hidden sides of Sontag’s personality and experiences to the public eye adds a startlingly sharp dimension to the more sedate reflections of the other figures in the book. Yet Consuming Pleasures is haunted not just by the belated translations of Eco or Barthes or by Sontag’s journals, although Sontag herself brings together the two larger presences which Horowitz draws upon. Consuming Pleasures is, not too far under the surface, a story about how (some) Jews and (some) gay men and women fought simultaneously to use popular culture to achieve an identity and a place in American society and to justify to the more rarefied strata of that society the importance of popular culture. And because it tells that story, the Holocaust and homophobia loom in the shadows of the book. Unfortunately, that’s all they really do, though, as Horowitz does not fully engage with why Jews and gays seemed to have been so central to the repudiation of traditional hierarchies of high and low culture, and he often comes off as using these categories fairly reductively. There is even an interesting footnote in which he says, “I am grateful to Herbert J. Gans [also one of the subjects of Consuming Pleasures] for helping me think about the relationships of Jews to popular culture, even though we did not always agree” (376). That footnote follows the sentence “Whatever the sociological origins of concerns among Jews about popular culture, it is hard to overestimate the impact on them of an awareness of how Hitler had used mass media to advance Nazism” (21).
As uneven as these hauntings can be, they do make Consuming Pleasures a much richer book, and, together with the truly monumental feats of research and synthesis which Horowitz has performed, they promise readers a rewarding and deeply provoking experience.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Notes
[1] Richard Slotkin, Regeneration through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600-1860 (Middletown, CT, 1973); The Fatal Environment: The Myth of the Frontier in the Age of Industrialization, 1800-1890 (New York, 1985); and Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth-Century America (New York, 1992).
[2] The principal works here are Eugene Lunn, Marxism and Modernism: An Historical Study of Lukács, Brecht, Benjamin, and Adorno (Berkeley, CA, 1982); Michael Denning, “The End of Mass Culture,” International Labor and Working-Class History 37 (Spring 1990): 4-18, and The Cultural Front: The Laboring of American Culture in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1996); Lawrence Levine, “The Folklore of Industrial Society: Popular Culture and Its Audiences,” American Historical Review 97.5 (Dec. 1992): 1369-1399; Paul R. Gorman, Left Intellectuals and Popular Culture in Twentieth-Century America (Chapel Hill, 1996); Andrew Ross, No Respect: Intellectuals and Popular Culture (New York, 1989).
[3] Stuart Hall and Paddy Whannel, The Popular Arts (Boston, 1967). It is interesting to note that the U.S. paperback edition—cited here—came out in a series edited by David Manning White, the editor of what Horowitz refers to as the “locus classicus of these [1950s] debates [on mass culture]… the 1957 book Mass Culture: The Popular Arts in America, edited by Bernard Rosenberg and David Manning White” (19).
[4] Horowitz is quoting from Thomas Bender, A Nation among Nations: America’s Place in World History (New York, 2006), 7.
[5] Roland Barthes’s Mythologies (1957) was not translated until 1972, and even then only partially; Walter Benjamin’s key essays of the 1930s were not published in an accessible manner until 1968; Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer’s 1944 landmark book Dialektik der Aufklärung, with its crucial chapter on the Culture Industry, was not available in English until 1972; Umberto Eco’s Opera Aperta (1962) and Diario Minimo (1963) were incompletely translated as The Open Work (1989) and Misreadings (1993); The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (1962) by Jürgen Habermas only came out in English in 1989; and, while C. L. R. James’s American Civilization (1950) didn’t have to wait for a translation, as Horowitz points out, it nevertheless was not in print until 1993.
Reviewed by Andrew Seal
Yale University
The book under review is the third that Daniel Horowitz has published on consumer culture in the United States, and it both is and isn’t useful to think of it as part of a trilogy, along with The Morality of Spending: Attitudes Toward the Consumer Society in America, 1875-1940 (1985) and The Anxieties of Affluence: Critiques of American Consumer Culture, 1939-1979 (2004). One reason in favor of doing so is simply that it puts Horowitz’s efforts into perspective: Horowitz has produced an achievement in many ways on par with Richard Slotkin’s dense and sweeping trio chronicling the place of the West in the American imagination, one of the very few other instances of such sustained scholarly diligence.[1]
It is clear that Horowitz himself sees Consuming Pleasures as building on the arguments of the previous two works, providing a further development of “the subject I have been working on since the early 1970s, the story of how intellectuals have responded to affluence and consumer culture” (x). Consuming Pleasures advances this story by tracking a new development in this debate: the emergence of a “postmoralism” or an “anthropological outlook on culture” which superseded the “new moralism” of modernist disdain and paternalistic expertise (the subject of Anxieties of Affluence), the position which in its own day had supplanted the more traditional moralism of self-restraint and parsimony (The Morality of Spending).
Horowitz argues that, in the heady first flush of the postwar U.S. economic boom, and in the slowly reconstructing and still rationing European envy of that prosperity, the seeds were sown for what was at first, for figures like David Riesman, the early Marshall McLuhan, Roland Barthes, and Richard Hoggart, a hesitant détente between intellectuals and “popular culture.” That thaw then gradually became, for Tom Wolfe, Herbert Gans, Stuart Hall, and Susan Sontag, a more engaged if not fully appreciative approach to the study of “consumer culture.” Pluralist assessments of cultural validity and worth reluctantly edged out hierarchical standards and fixed canons, with critics locating newfound resources for bottom-up creativity and even individuality within what was previously considered the top-down and stultifying domains of mass culture. By 1972, Horowitz argues, cultural critics like Robert Venturi and Denise Scott Brown had begun not only to tinker with the distinctions between high and low culture, but to argue for the suspension of such segmentations altogether. Such critics emphasized the emancipatory or even utopian promise of consumption, identifying within it an entirely malleable system of communication, a realm of free play and self-creation.
Like the prior two works, Consuming Pleasurestracks the shifts and rearticulations of these broad, society-wide dispositions through the writings of a deep roster of prominent intellectuals. It has long been one of Horowitz’s signal strengths to work over the contents of important texts and corpora in subtle ways through novel juxtapositions and insightful re-readings. Horowitz has expanded the boundaries of intellectual history in small but appreciable ways by, as he put it in The Morality of Spending, “insist[ing] on the benefits of exploring the interplay between the related stories of how Americans spent their money and how writers thought they should. The juxtapositions of data and advice enables us to see how changes in the standard of living prompted reconsiderations of the dilemmas of affluence, as well as how attitudes toward spending shaped the investigations” (Morality, xix).
In fact, Consuming Pleasures is far less interested in the data and investigations of consumer spending. The intellectuals it treats are more like organic intellectuals than were the figures covered in Morality of Spending or Anxieties of Affluence, speaking less as policy or corporate experts and more often as critics attempting, like the rest of the populace, to make a life inside consumer culture. Yet the feedback loop between prescription and description, between is and ought, is still the dominant motif of Consuming Pleasures. While the intellectuals of this book were not as insistent on knowing better as were figures like Simon Patten, Thorstein Veblen, John Kenneth Galbraith, or Christopher Lasch, the “postmoralist” critics—Wolfe, McLuhan, Sontag, Venturi and Scott Brown—still insisted on being in the know. And being on the cultural bleeding edge often pushed these postmoralists to turn prescriptive in spite of themselves, becoming advocates if by nothing other than the momentum of their predictions of consumer culture’s success and of its viability as a permanent and versatile social force. Part of the book’s own pleasures lie in Horowitz’s skillful reconstruction of these vexed and overdetermined positions.
While Horowitz’s ability to excavate the nuances of tone and disposition from a rich archival trove is impressively graceful, the foregoing account may not overturn or greatly complicate what the reader already knows of the intellectual transformations of the postwar decades, and indeed Horowitz freely admits in Consuming Pleasures that “some of what I say about individual books or authors is not especially new.” But he also asserts that “I demonstrate patterns and connections previously obscured by treating these texts and their authors in isolation” (11). The texts and authors covered in Consuming Pleasures do range widely, although as with the prior two works, the book’s structure has a loose, almost episodic quality which prompts the reader to wish more often for the addition or substitution of alternative authors and texts than might have been the case were Horowitz to have written a more synthetic, more argumentative account. But it is actually the question of breadth that makes Consuming Pleasures in some ways an odd man out in this trilogy, and its differences from Morality of Spending and Anxieties of Affluence provide both its greatest strengths and its disappointments.
For one thing, to characterize Consuming Pleasures as responding primarily or even principally to Horowitz’s previous works is to parochialize it excessively, for it is in many ways as much or more in dialogue with other scholars’ work than with Horowitz’s own, as tight as the thematic and methodological approaches may be. Horowitz is inordinately generous in his citations of other works, patiently reconstructing the arguments and historiographies of a formidably voluminous reservoir of scholarship. (Graduate students like myself ought both to cheer and quail at such an example.) Citing previous work by Eugene Lunn, Michael Denning, Lawrence Levine, Paul Gorman, and Andrew Ross early and often, Horowitz makes great use of this body of scholarship to take some productive shortcuts, allowing him to cover more ground and extend his reach considerably past the specific intellectuals whom he highlights.[2] Consuming Pleasures, although it was, according to Horowitz’s preface, written in about only seven years, is a work of formidable patience and detail, an aggregation and synthesis of decades worth of reading in the secondary sources. Horowitz’s command of these literatures almost redeems the standard scholarly excuse for an abbreviated, cover-your-behind footnote “The literature on this topic is vast, but… here’s what I can claim to have read.” Horowitz’s style is more, “The literature on this topic is vast, and here’s what you should know from it.”
Moving from secondary to primary sources offers another way in which Consuming Pleasures does much more than build on Horowitz’s previous work. While he drew on understudied sources before, in Consuming Pleasures, Horowitz retrieves for the English-speaking scholar an exciting new clutch of previously untranslated or exceedingly obscure articles by Roland Barthes, Umberto Eco, and Jürgen Habermas, and revives a now neglected but germinal text on popular culture, the 1964 Stuart Hall and Paddy Whannel collaboration, The Popular Arts.[3] He also continues the recuperation of C. L. R. James as a major figure of the middle decades of the twentieth century, an indispensable voice for understanding those years, despite his obscurity during them.
A large part of the excitement of opening up these documents to current scholarship is that they come as something of a historiographical surprise—not even missed in prior treatments of U.S. consumer culture, their authors considered to be part of other formations tangential at best to the “domestic” debates over mass culture, affluence, and consumerism in America. The singular methodological innovation of Consuming Pleasures is its insistence on setting the intellectual discourse on postwar consumer culture within a transatlantic frame, and doing so is, I feel, a major advance for the study of these debates and the intellectuals involved in them.
Setting forth the agenda of writing a transatlantic history of intellectual responses to consumer culture is considerably easier than writing it, however, and Consuming Pleasures accomplishes this task somewhat unevenly. Horowitz dealt with émigré intellectuals before in The Anxieties of Affluence (George Katona and Ernest Dichter), but rightly adds to that category a wider-angle consideration of transnationality, one less defined by the space of the nation-state. “The main focus here,” Horowitz writes, “is on the consequences of the flow (or blockage) of people and ideas across national borders, what the historian Thomas Bender has called the result of ‘the permeability of the nation at boundaries, the zones of contact and exchange among people, money, knowledges, and things’” (13).[4]
That indecision between “flow (or blockage)” is a risky move, but it is one that Horowitz makes central to his project, emphasizing repeatedly the ways that intellectuals on both sides of the Atlantic rather stubbornly failed to look around themselves properly to take advantage of the many concurrent ideas for how to come to terms with the postwar consumer landscape. Yet documenting—much less theorizing—how these ideas became “lost in translation,” as Horowitz prefers to describe these blockages, often requires more fancy footwork than proving a connection did occur, and the temptation for the historian to reconstruct a debate that he or she feels should have happened over those that did is a challenge to resist. At least it ensnares Horowitz a little too often, even though he admits that, while “[o]ne can only speculate about what difference it would have made to American discussions of popular culture had the works of Barthes, Benjamin, Eco, Habermas, and James been available in the immediate postwar period… [n]ot much is the best guess” (121). Still, the desire to force these texts into circulations they did not have is palpable in Consuming Pleasures, and its counterfactuality adds a touch of awkwardness.
Horowitz notes repeatedly that many of the western European texts which today can provide us with such a rich record of responses to the idea of American consumer culture were not translated into English until the tail end of the period he covers, if not later (as with the untranslated Eco, Habermas, and Barthes essays he works with).[5] Horowitz does not explore this curious fact very much, or attempt to track down the specific circumstances of when and why they were finally translated. Nor does he really make as much use as he might have of the transatlantic connections within cultural criticism generally, and the study of popular or mass culture more specifically, that preceded World War II—sources which, like José Ortega y Gasset’s The Revolt of the Masses, massively impacted the postwar debates on mass culture. The only prewar transatlantic intellectual given much treatment is T. S. Eliot.
To be fair, though, that lack of prewar coverage is not an oversight on Horowitz’s part, but a conscious argument, albeit one that is, I would argue, overly mechanical. Horowitz sees the emergence of these new attitudes toward consumer or mass culture as the ineluctable product of its postwar inundation: “[postwar c]hanges in the economy [i.e., the period of sustained prosperity through the 1950s] made consumerism so prevalent that it was hard to ascribe the consumption of goods simply or primarily to moral weakness” (8). Horowitz adds further down the page that, along with these transformations in the economic base come important superstructural considerations: “shifts in attitudes, ideas, and approaches deserve at least equal attention.” Yet the main shift Horowitz outlines is a simplistic ideological turnover: “Generational shifts played important roles, especially the waning of the memories of totalitarianism and of the prominence of writers for whom Stalinism and Nazism were central… A new set of imperatives emerged over time, in part as a result of how the waning or reconfiguration of Marxism underwrote these changes” (9). Yet Horowitz is too good a historian for these somewhat schematic arguments to bleach the nuance and subtlety of the actual content of the rest of the book; holdovers from the prewar period—including the irrepressible Dwight Macdonald and Clement Greenberg as well as the fraught memories of the Popular Front—hover over much of Horowitz’s analysis, even if they might have been more directly and profitably engaged. Horowitz’s charming preface begins with an anecdote about stumbling on a 1937 essay written by one of his high school teachers, a woman with a Yale Ph.D., on the culturally redemptive possibilities present in moviegoing. In many ways, that initial move toward the Thirties encapsulates the persistent problem Horowitz faces that so much of his history is a sequence of almost random discoveries and undiscoveries—moments when a text like his high school teacher’s essay could be swallowed for years before popping up poignantly if also somewhat inconsequentially.
The emphasis on missed connections overall gives Consuming Pleasures a rather ghostly feel—an effect heightened by the continuing reverberations of the death of Susan Sontag, who in many ways anchors the back half of the book. Horowitz makes wonderful use of her recently published journals, and the opening up of these hidden sides of Sontag’s personality and experiences to the public eye adds a startlingly sharp dimension to the more sedate reflections of the other figures in the book. Yet Consuming Pleasures is haunted not just by the belated translations of Eco or Barthes or by Sontag’s journals, although Sontag herself brings together the two larger presences which Horowitz draws upon. Consuming Pleasures is, not too far under the surface, a story about how (some) Jews and (some) gay men and women fought simultaneously to use popular culture to achieve an identity and a place in American society and to justify to the more rarefied strata of that society the importance of popular culture. And because it tells that story, the Holocaust and homophobia loom in the shadows of the book. Unfortunately, that’s all they really do, though, as Horowitz does not fully engage with why Jews and gays seemed to have been so central to the repudiation of traditional hierarchies of high and low culture, and he often comes off as using these categories fairly reductively. There is even an interesting footnote in which he says, “I am grateful to Herbert J. Gans [also one of the subjects of Consuming Pleasures] for helping me think about the relationships of Jews to popular culture, even though we did not always agree” (376). That footnote follows the sentence “Whatever the sociological origins of concerns among Jews about popular culture, it is hard to overestimate the impact on them of an awareness of how Hitler had used mass media to advance Nazism” (21).
As uneven as these hauntings can be, they do make Consuming Pleasures a much richer book, and, together with the truly monumental feats of research and synthesis which Horowitz has performed, they promise readers a rewarding and deeply provoking experience.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Notes
[1] Richard Slotkin, Regeneration through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600-1860 (Middletown, CT, 1973); The Fatal Environment: The Myth of the Frontier in the Age of Industrialization, 1800-1890 (New York, 1985); and Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth-Century America (New York, 1992).
[2] The principal works here are Eugene Lunn, Marxism and Modernism: An Historical Study of Lukács, Brecht, Benjamin, and Adorno (Berkeley, CA, 1982); Michael Denning, “The End of Mass Culture,” International Labor and Working-Class History 37 (Spring 1990): 4-18, and The Cultural Front: The Laboring of American Culture in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1996); Lawrence Levine, “The Folklore of Industrial Society: Popular Culture and Its Audiences,” American Historical Review 97.5 (Dec. 1992): 1369-1399; Paul R. Gorman, Left Intellectuals and Popular Culture in Twentieth-Century America (Chapel Hill, 1996); Andrew Ross, No Respect: Intellectuals and Popular Culture (New York, 1989).
[3] Stuart Hall and Paddy Whannel, The Popular Arts (Boston, 1967). It is interesting to note that the U.S. paperback edition—cited here—came out in a series edited by David Manning White, the editor of what Horowitz refers to as the “locus classicus of these [1950s] debates [on mass culture]… the 1957 book Mass Culture: The Popular Arts in America, edited by Bernard Rosenberg and David Manning White” (19).
[4] Horowitz is quoting from Thomas Bender, A Nation among Nations: America’s Place in World History (New York, 2006), 7.
[5] Roland Barthes’s Mythologies (1957) was not translated until 1972, and even then only partially; Walter Benjamin’s key essays of the 1930s were not published in an accessible manner until 1968; Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer’s 1944 landmark book Dialektik der Aufklärung, with its crucial chapter on the Culture Industry, was not available in English until 1972; Umberto Eco’s Opera Aperta (1962) and Diario Minimo (1963) were incompletely translated as The Open Work (1989) and Misreadings (1993); The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (1962) by Jürgen Habermas only came out in English in 1989; and, while C. L. R. James’s American Civilization (1950) didn’t have to wait for a translation, as Horowitz points out, it nevertheless was not in print until 1993.
Rabu, 23 Mei 2012
Black Freedom Movement Course
As you may know, I've been on the job market this year. I spent these past two years at the University of Kentucky as a post-doctoral scholar, first in the College of Liberal Arts & Sciences Dean's Office and then in the History Department. Well, I have good news! I will be joining the Luther College faculty in the fall as a visiting assistant professor. I'm teaching three courses in the fall--an introductory seminar on Big Questions that all incoming freshmen have to take, African American History since the 17th century, and the Black Freedom Movement.
Today, I'd like to write about some of my ideas for the Black Freedom Movement course, particularly my idea to structure the course according to historiographical debates rather than primarily chronologically. There are so many historiographical choices I need to make, in addition to pedagogical ones. When do I start the course? If it is a Civil Rights Course, then maybe WWII (or if it is the Long Civil Rights Movement, 1930s-1970s). If it is a true Black Freedom Movement course, then I could start way back with abolitionists, slave revolts, the Haitian Revolution, or on-ship rebellions. The newly adopted course description helps me make some of these decisions (This year represents the first year that it will be called the Black Freedom Movement rather than the Civil Rights Movement).
AFRS 235 The Modern Black Freedom Movement in the United States
Now the obvious choice for this course would be to go chronologically. However, I have become enamored of a different approach and I wonder what you think. I would like to structure the course around historiographical debates, using the book Debating the Civil Rights Movement. It offers two essays and several primary documents; the essay by Steven Lawson argues that it was the national government's intervention and the leadership of national figures that had the greatest effect on the Civil Rights Movement, for good and ill, while the essay by Charles Payne argues that it was the grassroots movement that effected change, by organizing rather than mobilizing.
I am thinking of starting with the national view, including the government and prominent individuals, doing an interactive exercise on the 1964 Democratic Convention, and ending with the grassroots movement (one week of which would be spent in the archives researching the black student takeover of Luther's Dean's Office). The interactive exercise would break students up into five groups--media, Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, Bayard Rustin and the SCLC, the Dixiecrats, and LBJ and the Democratic leadership--and ask them to inhabit the point of view of their group. They would need to do research and then a presentation. I'm thinking that everybody would read a Fannie Lou Hamer biography during the "major individuals" section of the course, with one week for the research and one week for the presentations. That may not be enough time--I may have to give them the materials and then ask them to present on the different groups. I wish there was a "Reacting to the Past" curriculum already created for this. Even though this is not the most important moment in the Black Freedom Movement, I want to highlight it because it is such a dramatic clashing of so many different viewpoints and shows the power of the grassroots, the power of government, and the limits of both group's power.
I need to figure this all out asap so that I can order books. Do you think this works, or should I arrange it chronologically? This is what I'm thinking right now:
Week 1: Overview, The Civil Rights Movement: A Photographic History
Weeks 8-9
Weeks 10- 15
Final exam question: Which of the three groups (major figures, the government, or the grassroots) influenced the course of the Civil Rights Movement the most? Why? Give concrete examples.
Ironically, considering it's the period I study, this syllabus gives short shrift to the Depression era. I'd also like to stretch the other side of the time frame by including Michelle Alexander's The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. Perhaps what I need to do is start working on the topics and assignments for individual days and see if I can trim here or there to add more. I'm also not sure there is enough focus on the new historiography discussing the northern aspects of the movement.
I also think that Fannie Lou Hamer and Stokely Carmichael may not belong in the "View from the Nation," but I want to have the students read the Hamer biography before the 1964 Democratic Convention Project. Perhaps I should move the project to the end of the course and give them a heads up about it several weeks prior so they have time to do the research.
Today, I'd like to write about some of my ideas for the Black Freedom Movement course, particularly my idea to structure the course according to historiographical debates rather than primarily chronologically. There are so many historiographical choices I need to make, in addition to pedagogical ones. When do I start the course? If it is a Civil Rights Course, then maybe WWII (or if it is the Long Civil Rights Movement, 1930s-1970s). If it is a true Black Freedom Movement course, then I could start way back with abolitionists, slave revolts, the Haitian Revolution, or on-ship rebellions. The newly adopted course description helps me make some of these decisions (This year represents the first year that it will be called the Black Freedom Movement rather than the Civil Rights Movement).
AFRS 235 The Modern Black Freedom Movement in the United States
The debate over the timing, scope, and trajectory of the civil rights and black power movements in the United States has long been a contested subject among historians. Scholars are now challenging the traditional non-violent southern movement narrative by pointing to a broad range of regionally diverse black political struggles across the twentieth century. Researchers are also calling into question the notion that civil rights and black power were two distinct movements. Engaging in these conversations and covering such themes as class, region, gender, community formation, militancy, and grassroots activism, we will cover the mass protests of the thirties and forties, the direct action campaigns of the fifties and sixties, and black liberation struggles that stretched into the seventies. Through analysis of key texts in new civil rights and black power studies, speeches, music, film, television, oral histories, and photography, we will critically examine the movement’s objectives and results, raise questions about the contour of American democracy and racial politics in the late twentieth century, and explore what is distinct about the “post-civil rights era.”
Now the obvious choice for this course would be to go chronologically. However, I have become enamored of a different approach and I wonder what you think. I would like to structure the course around historiographical debates, using the book Debating the Civil Rights Movement. It offers two essays and several primary documents; the essay by Steven Lawson argues that it was the national government's intervention and the leadership of national figures that had the greatest effect on the Civil Rights Movement, for good and ill, while the essay by Charles Payne argues that it was the grassroots movement that effected change, by organizing rather than mobilizing.
I am thinking of starting with the national view, including the government and prominent individuals, doing an interactive exercise on the 1964 Democratic Convention, and ending with the grassroots movement (one week of which would be spent in the archives researching the black student takeover of Luther's Dean's Office). The interactive exercise would break students up into five groups--media, Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, Bayard Rustin and the SCLC, the Dixiecrats, and LBJ and the Democratic leadership--and ask them to inhabit the point of view of their group. They would need to do research and then a presentation. I'm thinking that everybody would read a Fannie Lou Hamer biography during the "major individuals" section of the course, with one week for the research and one week for the presentations. That may not be enough time--I may have to give them the materials and then ask them to present on the different groups. I wish there was a "Reacting to the Past" curriculum already created for this. Even though this is not the most important moment in the Black Freedom Movement, I want to highlight it because it is such a dramatic clashing of so many different viewpoints and shows the power of the grassroots, the power of government, and the limits of both group's power.
I need to figure this all out asap so that I can order books. Do you think this works, or should I arrange it chronologically? This is what I'm thinking right now:
Week 1: Overview, The Civil Rights Movement: A Photographic History
Weeks 2-7: The View from the Nation
a. Debating the Civil Rights Movement: The View from the Nation by Steven F. Lawson
b. Martin Luther King Jr. (Speeches online and 1965 Meet the Press interview) Have students do individual research in The King Center archives
b. Martin Luther King Jr. (Speeches online and 1965 Meet the Press interview) Have students do individual research in The King Center archives
c. Malcolm X (Speeches online)
d. Fannie Lou Hamer (Chana Lee Kai biography)
Weeks 8-9
3. Project: 1964 Democratic Convention (sources online and/or provided)
a. Fannie Lou Hamer
b. Media
c. Lyndon B. Johnson, Hubert Humphrey, Walter Mondale, Walter Reuther
d. Dixiecrats
e. SCLC, Martin Luther King, and Bayard Rustin
Research Project: Write a paper from the perspective of your individual group in the 1964 Democratic Convention Debate
Weeks 10- 15
4. Grassroots mass movement
a. Debating the Civil Rights Movement: The View from the Trenches by Charles Payne
c. Danielle L. McGuire, At the Dark End of the Street: Black Women, Rape, and Resistance--a New History of the Civil Rights Movement from Rosa Parks to the Rise of Black Power
e. Archival research project.
Ironically, considering it's the period I study, this syllabus gives short shrift to the Depression era. I'd also like to stretch the other side of the time frame by including Michelle Alexander's The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. Perhaps what I need to do is start working on the topics and assignments for individual days and see if I can trim here or there to add more. I'm also not sure there is enough focus on the new historiography discussing the northern aspects of the movement.
I also think that Fannie Lou Hamer and Stokely Carmichael may not belong in the "View from the Nation," but I want to have the students read the Hamer biography before the 1964 Democratic Convention Project. Perhaps I should move the project to the end of the course and give them a heads up about it several weeks prior so they have time to do the research.
Selasa, 22 Mei 2012
Analysis or Synthesis?
During his tenure leading the American Historical Association, William Cronon has been using his "From the President" column, which appears monthly in Perspectives on History, to explore the various ways in which people seek to understand the past. He's been comparing and contrasting the habits of professional historians with other people who study the past, such as popular and amateur historians. Cronon's overarching objective, it seems to me, is to convince professional historians to make their scholarship more accessible to a larger public, without losing the scrupulous disciplinary standards which we've been conditioned to since our first graduate seminar. This is a laudable goal, even though, as Ben Alpers rightly pointed out a few months ago, in response to one of Cronon's editorials, "the story we tell ourselves about academic history appealing to a mass audience is to a very great extent a myth."
Cronon loves his false choices. Of course good historians should closely analyze their subjects in original ways. And of course we should also put our subjects in a broad enough context so as to make our work relevant, which requires synthesis. But Cronon points out that where we're trained more to do the former, the public is hungrier for the latter. "The Big Questions of history are often what members of the public most want historians to discuss. Yet Big Questions are precisely what our training has taught us to be wary about tackling—and what the sharp knives of our colleagues make us fear we would be unprofessional even to ask."
Cronon's latest column in this series, "Breaking Apart, Pulling Away," compares and contrasts analysis-driven history with synthesis-driven history. He introduces the subject as follows:
Analysis or synthesis: which should we prefer?
Is it better to explore tightly bounded specialized topics by asking small unasked questions that can be answered as rigorously as possible, combining previously unknown primary documents and technical arguments in original ways whether or not they ultimately matter very much? Or is it better to range widely across the historical landscape, borrowing insights from secondary sources to make large claims, relying even on documents everyone already knows to pursue big familiar questions which however unanswerable, we all recognize to be undeniably important?
Cronon loves his false choices. Of course good historians should closely analyze their subjects in original ways. And of course we should also put our subjects in a broad enough context so as to make our work relevant, which requires synthesis. But Cronon points out that where we're trained more to do the former, the public is hungrier for the latter. "The Big Questions of history are often what members of the public most want historians to discuss. Yet Big Questions are precisely what our training has taught us to be wary about tackling—and what the sharp knives of our colleagues make us fear we would be unprofessional even to ask."
Really? Do we still live in this world of hyper-specialization? This is not my understanding of recent historiographical trends. Is my understanding peculiar? Perhaps intellectual historians tend more to Big Questions than others? Even those of us who focus on intellectual biography usually write about individuals who ranged widely--thus requiring us to be capable of synthesis. Two of my favorite recent intellectual biographies--Daniel Geary's Radical Ambition: C. Wright Mills, the Left, and American Social Thought and Jennifer Burns's Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right--could only have been written by historians able to synthesize a great deal of postwar US history.
I've been thinking about this issue of synthesis in my own work. I just wrapped up a chapter in my culture wars book on the New Left, broadly conceived to include not only the student antiwar movement and counterculture but also the Black and Chicano Power movements as well as the women's and gay liberation movements. I am extremely confident that my take on the topic is original, since my purpose in writing this chapter is to set the stage for the culture wars of later decades. I am also fairly sure that the mix of intellectual history I bring together in my analysis will strike most readers as fairly original. And yet, because my topic is very broad, because I am asking and seeking to answer Big Questions, I am necessarily reliant upon the historiography of others. In short, I synthesize. And I am very comfortable with this. In fact, I can't imagine it any other way. Is this strange? I'd love your thoughts.
Senin, 21 Mei 2012
From Rome with Love III
by Elisabeth Lasch-Quinn
In the battle merely to survive physically, food and shelter are essential, clothing (except as shelter) optional. That seems relatively simple, especially since these basic needs have been with us since our infancy at the so-called dawn of civilization.
Each of us tries for survival now with the means available in the postmodern economy. But what is remarkable, in these individualized times, is when one of us tries for the survival of someone else as well. So when a whole group tries, even better, not only for other people's survival but for their flourishing, it is doubly, triply, quadruply remarkable. This is one of those rare times, with manipulation and murkiness abundant, when a distinctly un-fuzzy math can actually prevail. Just multiply by the number of people and you get the degree of remarkability.
By this measure, Italy deserves perhaps not to be romanticized, exactly, as we can allocate its rather substantial flaws. But I think it should be considered a prime candidate for re-romanticization. It stands for food--good food. And now many are trying to describe a particular definition of good in a conversation that has ramifications well beyond food itself.
A few days ago I had the opportunity to travel to a small town in northern Italy named Pollenzo, near the city of Turin. The occasion was a half-day conference on food and sustainability put on by the Fulbright Commission. What I saw there was truly inspiring.
The conference took place at the University of Gastronomic Sciences (UNISG), a new university just founded in 2004. (See its website or this brief New York Times article.) The audience for the conference was largely comprised of students in the graduate programs there.
Housed in a rectangular layout of renovated farm buildings in the Piedmont region, with castle-like turrets at the corners and a central square, the university is one of the most pleasant places I have ever been. Even with its students congregating for the conference in clusters here and there, as well as the occasional tourist (there are two hotels, a restaurant, a wine bank, a chapel, gardens, a tiny orchard of indigenous trees, and preserved ruins, along with the classrooms and library), the atmosphere was one of bucolic serenity. Its silence, in this noisy age, was a balm.
Those intrigued by all aspects of food, from its problems to its pleasures, might recognize or be interested to learn about this location in northeast Italy. The University of Gastronomic Sciences was started by Carlo Petrini, who also founded the Slow Food Movement in 1986, and the international headquarters for the movement is in nearby Bra. The movement was spurred by the plan to erect a McDonalds at the Spanish Steps in Rome. With some 100,000 members in over 150 nations, the Slow Food Movement's stated aim is to promote "good, clean, and fair food for all":
"GOOD a fresh and flavorsome seasonal diet that satisfies the senses and is part of our local culture;
CLEAN food production and consumption that does not harm the environment, animal welfare or our health;
FAIR accessible prices for consumers and fair conditions and pay for small-scale producers."
The movement is dedicated to protecting and celebrating local culinary knowledge and practices, heirloom seeds and other precious products, small-scale farming and processing, and a slowed down process of food preparation and ingestion, for maximum health benefits and enjoyment. It is against agribusiness, factory farms, genetic engineering, the use of pesticides, and fast food. As such, it is a movement of resistance and radicalism, on the one hand, and preservation and conservation, on the other. It resists easy division along standard political lines of liberal versus conservative.
The university's name belies one of the most exciting things about it and the movement that produced it: both of them combine concern for the right way of doing things-morally, socially, culinarily--with the best way, in terms of our ultimate pleasure and contentment. It is that rare blend--all but nonexistent in the U.S., with its legendary focus on change, innovation, and "creative destruction," all in the name of progress--of the motivation to change deeply disturbing practices and conditions and the desire to protect treasured traditions. This is all about taste. In the deepest and most resonant senses of the word.
Like the conference's subject, which sounds as though it might have centered narrowly on future policy, the "gastronomic sciences" could sound off-putting to everyone except those interested in applied horticulture, biology, or perhaps cooking. But these initiatives have everything to do with ideas more broadly, and with history. This was evident throughout the presentations. For instance, Daniel J. Philippon, who teaches in the Department of English at the University of Minnesota, spoke on his current book project, an intriguing study of the shift from environmentalism to the sustainability movement through writings in key genres on land, food, and culture. As he laid out his approach and chapter organization, this work promises to be essentially an intellectual history of the sustainable food movement. Currently a Fulbright Professor at UNIGS and the University of Turin, he is the author of Conserving Words: How American Nature Writers Shaped the Environmental Movement and writes about many of the authors that are our stock in trade in U.S. Intellectual History, from Whitman to Berry. And Maria Grazia Quieti, Executive Director of the U.S.-Italy Fulbright Commission, delivered a talk entitled “Discourses on Food and Sustainability in Trade Negotiations,” in essence a recent intellectual history of sustainability, with the Seattle WTO protests rendered as a pivotal point at which the official "technical forum" was called into question and competing discourses on issues formerly the preserve of policy experts and academics became apparent. Her discussion of how ideas become institutionalized, powerfully shape "intersubjective reality," and can be challenged was helpful theoretically, and hints of her portrait of her experiences while at the UN's Food and Agriculture Organization--a project on which she is currently at work--were fascinating. Her humble, clarion call for a method of paying detailed attention to conversations seems akin to what we do.
My intent in this brief sketch is only to tell you enough to pique your interest if not in this particular subject or region, then in some of the intellectual vibrancy I see here--here as in Italy and in fields differing quite a bit in name from ours yet part of a common pursuit. If we really care about the history of ideas in cultural context, we can benefit from important projects underway seemingly far afield from our own specialties. We can possibly learn from them and savor them, both.
In the battle merely to survive physically, food and shelter are essential, clothing (except as shelter) optional. That seems relatively simple, especially since these basic needs have been with us since our infancy at the so-called dawn of civilization.
Each of us tries for survival now with the means available in the postmodern economy. But what is remarkable, in these individualized times, is when one of us tries for the survival of someone else as well. So when a whole group tries, even better, not only for other people's survival but for their flourishing, it is doubly, triply, quadruply remarkable. This is one of those rare times, with manipulation and murkiness abundant, when a distinctly un-fuzzy math can actually prevail. Just multiply by the number of people and you get the degree of remarkability.
By this measure, Italy deserves perhaps not to be romanticized, exactly, as we can allocate its rather substantial flaws. But I think it should be considered a prime candidate for re-romanticization. It stands for food--good food. And now many are trying to describe a particular definition of good in a conversation that has ramifications well beyond food itself.
A few days ago I had the opportunity to travel to a small town in northern Italy named Pollenzo, near the city of Turin. The occasion was a half-day conference on food and sustainability put on by the Fulbright Commission. What I saw there was truly inspiring.
The conference took place at the University of Gastronomic Sciences (UNISG), a new university just founded in 2004. (See its website or this brief New York Times article.) The audience for the conference was largely comprised of students in the graduate programs there.
Housed in a rectangular layout of renovated farm buildings in the Piedmont region, with castle-like turrets at the corners and a central square, the university is one of the most pleasant places I have ever been. Even with its students congregating for the conference in clusters here and there, as well as the occasional tourist (there are two hotels, a restaurant, a wine bank, a chapel, gardens, a tiny orchard of indigenous trees, and preserved ruins, along with the classrooms and library), the atmosphere was one of bucolic serenity. Its silence, in this noisy age, was a balm.
Those intrigued by all aspects of food, from its problems to its pleasures, might recognize or be interested to learn about this location in northeast Italy. The University of Gastronomic Sciences was started by Carlo Petrini, who also founded the Slow Food Movement in 1986, and the international headquarters for the movement is in nearby Bra. The movement was spurred by the plan to erect a McDonalds at the Spanish Steps in Rome. With some 100,000 members in over 150 nations, the Slow Food Movement's stated aim is to promote "good, clean, and fair food for all":
"GOOD a fresh and flavorsome seasonal diet that satisfies the senses and is part of our local culture;
CLEAN food production and consumption that does not harm the environment, animal welfare or our health;
FAIR accessible prices for consumers and fair conditions and pay for small-scale producers."
The movement is dedicated to protecting and celebrating local culinary knowledge and practices, heirloom seeds and other precious products, small-scale farming and processing, and a slowed down process of food preparation and ingestion, for maximum health benefits and enjoyment. It is against agribusiness, factory farms, genetic engineering, the use of pesticides, and fast food. As such, it is a movement of resistance and radicalism, on the one hand, and preservation and conservation, on the other. It resists easy division along standard political lines of liberal versus conservative.
The university's name belies one of the most exciting things about it and the movement that produced it: both of them combine concern for the right way of doing things-morally, socially, culinarily--with the best way, in terms of our ultimate pleasure and contentment. It is that rare blend--all but nonexistent in the U.S., with its legendary focus on change, innovation, and "creative destruction," all in the name of progress--of the motivation to change deeply disturbing practices and conditions and the desire to protect treasured traditions. This is all about taste. In the deepest and most resonant senses of the word.
Like the conference's subject, which sounds as though it might have centered narrowly on future policy, the "gastronomic sciences" could sound off-putting to everyone except those interested in applied horticulture, biology, or perhaps cooking. But these initiatives have everything to do with ideas more broadly, and with history. This was evident throughout the presentations. For instance, Daniel J. Philippon, who teaches in the Department of English at the University of Minnesota, spoke on his current book project, an intriguing study of the shift from environmentalism to the sustainability movement through writings in key genres on land, food, and culture. As he laid out his approach and chapter organization, this work promises to be essentially an intellectual history of the sustainable food movement. Currently a Fulbright Professor at UNIGS and the University of Turin, he is the author of Conserving Words: How American Nature Writers Shaped the Environmental Movement and writes about many of the authors that are our stock in trade in U.S. Intellectual History, from Whitman to Berry. And Maria Grazia Quieti, Executive Director of the U.S.-Italy Fulbright Commission, delivered a talk entitled “Discourses on Food and Sustainability in Trade Negotiations,” in essence a recent intellectual history of sustainability, with the Seattle WTO protests rendered as a pivotal point at which the official "technical forum" was called into question and competing discourses on issues formerly the preserve of policy experts and academics became apparent. Her discussion of how ideas become institutionalized, powerfully shape "intersubjective reality," and can be challenged was helpful theoretically, and hints of her portrait of her experiences while at the UN's Food and Agriculture Organization--a project on which she is currently at work--were fascinating. Her humble, clarion call for a method of paying detailed attention to conversations seems akin to what we do.
My intent in this brief sketch is only to tell you enough to pique your interest if not in this particular subject or region, then in some of the intellectual vibrancy I see here--here as in Italy and in fields differing quite a bit in name from ours yet part of a common pursuit. If we really care about the history of ideas in cultural context, we can benefit from important projects underway seemingly far afield from our own specialties. We can possibly learn from them and savor them, both.
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