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Kamis, 13 Desember 2012

The Plastic Nietzsche, Part VI: A Serial Review of Ratner-Rosenhagen's American Nietzsche

Prior Entries: Part 1, Part II, Part III, Part IV, and Part V.

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Ratner-Rosenhagen's unnumbered chapter, the "Interlude" is, in my view, pivotal to understanding American Nietzsche. Even as a standalone entry it deserves high praise. Although reviewers of American Nietzsche have noted the Interlude's subject matter---Nietzsche's common American readers---in their commentaries, the former mostly focus on the book's recognizable intellectuals. None concentrate on the virtues of the Interlude itself. This is a shame. The chapter is most unusual, unique perhaps, in the historiography of intellectual history. How? It is rooted in---and made possible by---American fan letters from the Nietzsche Archive. The Interlude covers the 1910s and 1920s chronologically, and Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche is a key actor as both curator of Nietzsche's memory and keeper of fan mail.

The chapter serves as a kind of emotional history of the philosopher's ideas. The pitch of emotion is such that one could say that a sacramental vision of Nietzsche provides a grammar for the chapter. Through Förster-Nietzsche's scrupulous records we obtain a vision of readers' longings, of readers' ideas about ideas, of the range of readers' moral worlds, of Nietzsche as a celebrity, and of reader concerns about American modernity. Through the efforts of his fans, Nietzsche was, in Ratner-Rosenhagen's words, "a product of collaborative meaning-making between text and reader, text and context" (p. 199). His fans created the mythical Nietzsche. They sought relics of the man, particularly via his signature. His ideas and his person "possessed" the reader. The sacramental vision is apparent when Ratner-Rosenhagen argues that "virtually all letter writers confessed how their encounter with Nietzsche's philosophy either emboldened or chastened them, liberated them from old falsehoods,or saddled them with new moral responsibilities" (p. 203). The book also documents "religious devotion" to Nietzsche through their pilgrimages to the Nietzsche Archive and visits with Förster-Nietzsche (p. 209).

But the Interlude is crucial to Ratner-Rosenhagen's story, as I see it, in that it also unlocks and underscores a key topic in the book: democracy. In entries one and five of my ongoing review, I emphasized that American Nietzsche's importance derived, in large part, from how it helps us rethink democracy. The Interlude goes to this point. Its last section, titled "Pathos of Distance from Democratic Culture," the author begins by addressing the borders of that culture. She asserts that the two-way flow of ideas between Germany and the United States, via Nietzsche, demonstrates "the value of breaking down static concepts such as 'foreign thought,' 'organic ideas,' 'German theories,' and 'American worldviews'." The fan letters help "tell a bigger story about how the transnational traffic of Nietzsche's image and ideas helped puncture and rebuild, traverse and reconstitute intellectual borders" (p. 211).


Ratner-Rosenhagen then dives into a nuanced discussion of translation issues before returning to readers' desires and their cultural context. She argues that readers obtained from Nietzsche a "German pathos of distance." His philosophy helped readers "shield themselves from the crude, anti-intellectual mob mentality of American life" (p. 215). Ratner-Rosenhagen adds: "Just as we see variants of hero worship among professional intellectuals, so too do we see fears of American anti-intellectualism deeply burrowed into the imagination of general readers, who wrote to the archives" (p. 215). The author cites some particular letters as representative examples: two from Jennie Hintz (pp. 193-196), composed in 1913, and another from Theodore Van Derlyn (p. 215), composed in 1915. It is no coincidence that Ratner-Rosenhagen uses the Hintz and Van Derlyn letters to open and close the chapter, respectively.

Ratner-Rosenhagen lets us hear their voices through extended quotes precisely because those voices reflect crucial points from the author. Hintz's admiration for Nietzsche derived from a close reading of his works and H.L. Mencken, presumably The Philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche. Her letter documented not only her devotion to Nietzsche's person and empathy for his past frailties, but her sense that Nietzsche had captured the alienation present in modern American life. Hintz had felt disconnected from modern life until Nietzsche's provocations shook her from her slumbers. She wrote Förster-Nietzsche because Hintz wanted help obtaining and distributing Nietzsche's works (in German, ironically---unless she only hoped to help fellow German immigrants). Through these works Americans would aspire to their highest selves.

Van Derlyn wrote Förster-Nietzsche to inform her that he was working on a manuscript about Nietzsche's work. Van Derlyn sought to "critique the mediocrity of man in the masses," to criticize "democratic" man in order to fight "the poverty of modern American cultural life" (p. 215). Like Matthew Arnold around fifty years earlier, who had critiqued the philistine men of business, Van Derlyn would use Nietzsche to work against America's monied plutocracy. To Van Derlyn this new ersatz American aristocracy was, unfortunately, "the recognized standard of...American society"; they were "the 'ultra-fashionable set'...[with] no sense, ...no soul, no reason, no character, nothing, except a peacock-like egocentricity, and above all, money, lots of money" (p. 215). Between the democratic man and the faux aristocrats, American culture---its democratic culture---was diseased. And Nietzsche, for Hintz and Van Derlyn, was the cure. Nietzsche, in Ratner-Rosenhagen's words, was "the timeless savior of modern humanity and a timely critic of a world out of kilter" (p. 215).

Other reviewers have noted the problem of democracy in relation to America's Nietzsche. For reader-admirers like Hintz and Van Derlyn, Nietzsche was, as Roger Bellin aptly argued, "deployed simultaneously in the service of antiauthoritarianism and a new 'democratic' aristocracy." As Thomas Meaney noted, however, this tactic was difficult for intellectuals. He wrote (italics mine): "For Rorty, for instance, the challenge Nietzsche posed for a democratic culture could be solved by simply signing on to everything he says about the self but quarantining the rest of his unpalatable anti-democratic pronouncements."

Alexander Star summed up the general reader's problem with a question: "How [would Nietzsche's admirers] separate his intoxicating attacks on convention from his disgust with democracy and its herd of citizens?" Posnock too addresses this problematic point when he underscores relationship between Nietzsche and radical left criticism of the American way of life: "Radical leftists—anarchists, socialists and feminists—were early enthusiasts...who found in Nietzsche’s contempt for religion and democracy a way to rouse the masses from obedience to Christian ideals of submission and democratic fictions of a free market." There's no way, in sum, to discuss the American Nietzsche without confronting the problems and perils of the idea behind the American project: democracy. This is what Ratner-Rosenhagen asks of us in this chapter, and it is a signal contribution of her project exploring the reception of Nietzsche in the United States.

The Interlude also underscores the plasticity of Nietzsche followers. As the author repeatedly proved and observed, readers "made and remade Nietzsche in their own image" (p. 216). They made him a "personalist companion, secular saint, or cultural critic," as their needs required. These readers were not, moreover, molded by Nietzsche, but rather were "active participants who collaborated with Nietzsche." In this process of making and unmaking, American citizen readers "reconstitute[d] national, political, and cultural distinctions" between America and Germany. This is the essence of transnationalism in relation to larger Western figures and ideas.

That this process, and this chapter and its themes, were critically important to Ratner-Rosenhagen is evident in the Interlude's final paragraph. Here she interjects her own voice in support of using these letters to extrapolate Nietzsche's broader significance "in the making of modern American thought." Here is her statement: "My belief is that [these letters speak] to the ways in which a variety of Americans both took part in and resisted the implications of transnational intellectual exchanges. ...Nietzsche [made]...the designation of 'average' no longer meaningful to his readers as a term of self-description. ...He showed them a pathos of distance from everyday values---whether of the church, the marketplace, or the civics lesson---that helped them sharpen their sense of distinction in themselves, enabling them to feel their own particularity." In Nietzsche they found "a philosophy that harmonized thinking and doing"; he was their "guide to becoming" (p. 217). Plasticity had to be inherent in his thought to guide a diverse group of people---a group whose diversity is fully evident in other chapters, even if those other chapters focus more on America's intellectual elite rather than the common reader.

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The seventh and final installment of this serial review will appear next week. - TL

Selasa, 11 Desember 2012

Senin, 10 Desember 2012

Obama Administration Pushing for Implementation of U.N. Resolution 16/18 Prohibiting Criticism of Islam

Of course, if you're a deranged progressive denialist like "troll rights" hate-blogger Walter James Casper III, this could never happen in the United States.

From Nathaniel Sugarman, at American Thinker, "Fatal Attraction: U.S. Flirts with International Speech Codes."


This week, the United States meets with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in London to discuss whether speaking about religion can violate international law. The meeting represents round three of the "Istanbul Process," an effort Secretary of State Hillary Clinton launched in July 2011 in the eponymous Turkish city. The initiative's goal is to implement non-binding UN Human Rights Council Resolution 16/18, which itself calls for the criminalization of various forms of speech concerning religion. The OIC, an association of 56 Islamic member states and the Palestinian Authority, represents the largest voting bloc in the United Nations.

The renewed Istanbul Process talks come just a month after a UN official urged the United States to combat racism by adopting a "solid legal framework" for regulating internet speech. In a November 5, 2012 address to the General Assembly, UN Special Rapporteur Mutama Ruteere recommended that countries take steps to combat "racial hatred," which include adopting "legislative measures" to address the problem. These measures, according the rapporteur, should be in compliance with "international human rights standards." Special Rapporteurs are UN-appointed officials assigned to research a particular issue and report back to the organization with their findings. In his report, Mr. Ruteere specifically identified the United States as a country that should consider new legislation targeting internet hate speech.

Why should the United States be concerned with the rapporteur's recommendations regarding internet speech regulation? After all, "freedom of expression and opinion," according to the report, should not be impeded by any of the new proposed "measures." And why be concerned about the Istanbul Process? It seems to merely condemn incitement, which the United States does not protect in any case.

An answer requires closer examination of the terms of art used by the respective parties.

Resolution 16/18 calls for criminalization of "incitement to imminent violence based on religion or belief," and it "condemns... any advocacy of religious hatred against individuals that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence." At first glance, this language does not seem restrictive; even in the U.S., incitement is not a protected form of speech. The issue is the respective ways in which the U.S. and the OIC define "incitement." U.S. Courts use a content-based test to determine whether speech is incitement (See: Brandenburg v. Ohio). Brandenburg, which is still the law, ruled that in order for speech to be unprotected as incitement, the speech must (1) intend to produce imminent lawless action, and must be (2) likely to produce such action. In other words, there is both a subjective and objective prong, both concerning the speech itself. By contrast, the OIC endorses a "test of consequences," which punishes speech based not on its content, but based on the result. This is a completely subjective test, and fails to consider the words uttered by the speaker, focusing only on the reaction of others. How would this play out in practice? Violence claimed to be in response to cartoons of Muhammad, could, under the OIC's definition, retroactively define the cartoons as incitement. Surely, this framework is in direct conflict with U.S. law.

The rapporteur's suggestions regarding internet hate speech regulation also conflict with U.S. law upon closer examination....

The Istanbul Process and the move to regulate internet speech, in addition to creating conflicts between U.S. and international law, also represent a departure from the policies of past U.S. administrations.
Well, of course this administration's seeking a fundamental transformation of the United States, and that includes its relationship to the Muslim world, so who should be surprised? Not Abigail Esman, it turns out, last December at Forbes, "Could You Be a Criminal? U.S. Supports U.N. Anti-Free Speech Measure":
While you were out scavenging the Wal-Mart super sales or trying on trinkets at Tiffany and Cartier, your government has been quietly wrapping up a Christmas gift of its own: adoption of UN resolution 16/18. An initiative of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (formerly Organization of Islamic Conferences), the confederacy of 56 Islamic states, Resolution 16/18 seeks to limit speech that is viewed as “discriminatory” or which involves the “defamation of religion” – specifically that which can be viewed as “incitement to imminent violence.”

Whatever that means.

Initially proposed in response to alleged discrimination against Muslims in the aftermath of 9/11 and in an effort to clamp down on anti-Muslim attacks in non-Muslim countries, Resolution 16/18 has been through a number of revisions over the years in order to make it palatable to American representatives concerned about U.S. Constitutional guarantees of free speech. Previous versions of the Resolution, which sought to criminalize blasphemous speech and the “defamation of religion,” were regularly rejected by the American delegation and by the US State Department, which insisted that limitations on speech – even speech deemed to be racist or blasphemous – were at odds with the Constitution. But this latest version, which includes the “incitement to imminent violence” phrase – that is, which criminalizes speech which incites violence against others on the basis of religion, race, or national origin – has succeeded in winning US approval –despite the fact that it (indirectly) places limitations as well on speech considered “blasphemous.”

What’s worse, the measure codifies into the UN agenda support for the very notion democracies now wrestle with, and which threatens to destroy the very fabric of our culture: tolerance of the intolerant, or rather, the question of whether a tolerant society must also tolerate ways of life that are intolerant – that oppress women, say, or advocate violence against homosexuals, or force strangers to marry against their will. It is, in fact, this very concept that the OIC has long pressured Western governments to adopt in other ways, and that those supporting the adoption of Sharia law in the west have emphasized. Yet if we fall into that trap – as it appears we are – we will have lost the very heart of who we are.
Well, we won't have lost the heart of what progressives are. They're the ones pushing for these kinds of speech restrictions, despite what pathological liars and "troll rights" stalkers might say otherwise.

PREVIOUSLY: "The End of Freedom of Expression in the West."

Minggu, 09 Desember 2012

Ezra Klein: Yesterday's Revenue Can't Support Tomorrow's America

This is a fascinating piece, from the progressive wonder boy, at the Washington Post.

Klein's statistics all seem fine and dandy. He just comes to the wrong conclusion: that taxes must expand rather than spending contract. It's always that way with lefties. The final solution is to engorge government to such levels that all private activity is snuffed out.

While Klein focuses on the degree of taxation as a percentage of GDP, he doesn't consider that the average tax incidence of the individual is already nearing unsustainable levels. We're nearly taxing individuals in blue states at the level of the most generous Scandinavian welfare states. See: "Top Marginal Tax Rate Will Exceed 50% in California, New York, and Hawaii in 2013." California, following the November election, will boast the nation's highest marginal tax rate of 51.9 percent. It's no surprise that California's been bludgeoned by a massive exodus of businesses from the once-Golden State.

In any case, the Ezra Kleins of the world will never learn, for their ideology is one of no restraints, only the never-reached goal of human equality and the perfect resolution of mankind's material needs (in "tomorrow's America"). It is, in another word, Utopianism.

See Victor Davis Hanson for the reality check, at IBD, "Spending, Not Lack of Revenue, Is Real Problem."

Senin, 26 November 2012

Nakoula Basseley Nakoula Has No Regrets

You might think what happened to this guy would only be possible in a fascist state.

Well think again. Times have changed. It can happen here.

At the New York Times, "From Man Who Insulted Muhammad, No Regret":

Nakoula Basseley Nakoula
LOS ANGELES — Fuming for two months in a jail cell here, Nakoula Basseley Nakoula has had plenty of time to reconsider the wisdom of making “Innocence of Muslims,” his crude YouTube movie trailer depicting the Prophet Muhammad as a bloodthirsty, philandering thug.

Does Mr. Nakoula now regret the footage? After all, it fueled deadly protests across the Islamic world and led the unlikely filmmaker to his own arrest for violating his supervised release on a fraud conviction.

Not at all. In his first public comments since his incarceration soon after the video gained international attention in September, Mr. Nakoula told The New York Times that he would go to great lengths to convey what he called “the actual truth” about Muhammad. “I thought, before I wrote this script,” he said, “that I should burn myself in a public square to let the American people and the people of the world know this message that I believe in.”

In explaining his reasons for the film, Mr. Nakoula, 55, a Coptic Christian born in Egypt, cited the 2009 massacre at Fort Hood, Tex., as a prime example of the violence committed “under the sign of Allah.” His anger seemed so intense over the years that even from a federal prison in 2010, he followed the protests against the building of an Islamic center and mosque near ground zero in New York as he continued to work on his movie script.

Until now, only the barest details were known about the making of the film that inspired international outrage. Initial reports made it seem as if the film had been thrown together in about a year.

But a longer, more intricate and somewhat surreal story emerges from interviews with Mr. Nakoula, church and law enforcement officials and more than a dozen people who worked on the movie — those who knew its real subject and those who were tricked into believing it was to be a sword-and-sandal epic called “Desert Warriors.” Together, they paint a picture of a financially desperate man with a penchant for fiction who was looking to give meaning and means to a life in shambles.
A troubled man. Now a prison scapegoat for this administration's national security clusterf-k.

Continue reading.

RELATED: At the Wall Street Journal, "First Amendment Affront":
In his address to the United Nations earlier this week, President Obama condemned "the crude and disgusting video [that] sparked outrage throughout the Muslim world." Some 48 hours later, police in California arrested the man behind the film "Innocence of Muslims," and a federal judge on Thursday night ordered Nakoula Basseley Nakoula held in jail without bond.

Mr. Nakoula allegedly used the alias Sam Bacile to produce and post an amateurish clip of the film, which may not exist in full, on YouTube. The government has charged him with eight counts of violating parole. In 2010, he was convicted of bank fraud and served a year of a 21-month sentence. His use of the Internet is restricted.

We're not privy to the specific parole terms to be able to pass judgment on the technical merits of the government's case. A judge will sort it out. But the decision to pursue him in the first place was a discretionary call by the government.

We doubt that every Web surfer on similar probation gets hauled back to prison. Or gets denied bail by a judge who called Mr. Nakoula "a flight risk," though it's hard to imagine he'd want to return to his native Egypt, the scene of the first violent protests on September 11, or go anywhere else. A minister in the Pakistani government has put a $100,000 bounty on his head....

In that same speech on Tuesday, President Obama rightly noted that, "Americans have fought and died around the globe to protect the right of all people to express their views—even views that we disagree with."

The government's actions send a different message. The Obama Administration asked YouTube to yank the video off the site. (YouTube didn't.) And now the filmmaker sits behind bars—whether on legally justifiable grounds is besides the point. The First Amendment also protects speech that causes the White House headaches abroad.
Progressives value freedom of speech, but only speech that furthers their agenda of socialist statism and the destruction of Judeo-Christian cultural hegemony.

PREVIOUSLY: "The End of Freedom of Expression in the West."

The End of Freedom of Expression in the West

"Silent Conquest," via Blazing Cat Fur:



Selasa, 06 November 2012

Democracy's Feast

From Timothy Dale, at the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel, "Elections are celebrations of the American way":
In the United States, our patriotism is rooted in the democratic principle that we participate in the decisions that affect our lives. The symbols of our patriotism - the flag, the national anthem and the Pledge of Allegiance - represent underlying ideals of liberty, equality and self-determination. We unite around these symbols because we agree about the fundamental values they represent. On election day, we should unite around voting because it is more than a symbol of these values. Voting is the actual practice of living out the ideals of democracy.

An election, and all that comes with it, is a celebration of democracy. Voting is the practice and commemoration of the spirit of a government that is founded and renewed on the principle that we are the source of political power. As we vote Tuesday, enthusiasm and pride should overtake our fatigue, knowing that our trip to the ballot box is the lifeblood of democratic governance. Election day is a day to honor democracy.
I like to think of it like that. Indeed, this is what I teach my students.

Read it all at the link.

Minggu, 14 Oktober 2012

Free Speech is Dying in the Western world

From Jonathan Turley, at the Washington Post, "Shut up and play nice: How the Western world is limiting free speech" (via Instapundit):
Free speech is dying in the Western world. While most people still enjoy considerable freedom of expression, this right, once a near-absolute, has become less defined and less dependable for those espousing controversial social, political or religious views. The decline of free speech has come not from any single blow but rather from thousands of paper cuts of well-intentioned exceptions designed to maintain social harmony.

In the face of the violence that frequently results from anti-religious expression, some world leaders seem to be losing their patience with free speech. After a video called “Innocence of Muslims” appeared on YouTube and sparked violent protests in several Muslim nations last month, U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon warned that “when some people use this freedom of expression to provoke or humiliate some others’ values and beliefs, then this cannot be protected.”

It appears that the one thing modern society can no longer tolerate is intolerance. As Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard put it in her recent speech before the United Nations, “Our tolerance must never extend to tolerating religious hatred.”

A willingness to confine free speech in the name of social pluralism can be seen at various levels of authority and government. In February, for instance, Pennsylvania Judge Mark Martin heard a case in which a Muslim man was charged with attacking an atheist marching in a Halloween parade as a “zombie Muhammed.” Martin castigated not the defendant but the victim, Ernie Perce, lecturing him that “our forefathers intended to use the First Amendment so we can speak with our mind, not to piss off other people and cultures — which is what you did.”

Of course, free speech is often precisely about pissing off other people — challenging social taboos or political values.

This was evident in recent days when courts in Washington and New York ruled that transit authorities could not prevent or delay the posting of a controversial ad that says: “In any war between the civilized man and the savage, support the civilized man. Support Israel. Defeat jihad.”

When U.S. District Judge Rosemary Collyer said the government could not bar the ad simply because it could upset some Metro riders, the ruling prompted calls for new limits on such speech. And in New York, the Metropolitan Transportation Authority responded by unanimously passing a new regulation banning any message that it considers likely to “incite” others or cause some “other immediate breach of the peace.”
Continue reading.

And notice how it's all leftist outrage at conservative speech. Every single example is a progressive attempt to limit speech. There's one example not quoted above of an atheist in Greece punished for criticizing a monk. But that's it. As I've argued here for some time now, progressives are the main threat to freedom of speech. It's a sad day when folks speaking truth to barbarity, in the case of Islam, are threatened with prosecution. And it's not just Islam, although much of the current attempts to criminalize speech come from progressive terrorism-enablers. It's conservative speech all around that's being criminalized. Democracy dies when you can't speak out to defend it. Simple as that. Progressives are undemocratic.

Jumat, 11 November 2011

The banning of Ethnic Studies in Arizona

Arizona lawmakers would have us believe that teaching ethnic studies is code for segregating students, teaching them racism, revolution, and victimization. They have spent the last several years trying to enact a ban on ethnic studies courses in Arizona schools. In May 2010, they passed such a law and the governor signed it. Dos Vatos Productions filmed an entire year of Ethnic Studies classes (an American government and a Latino/a literature course) to find out what really was happening in the classes. Mexican-American students have a national graduation rate of 50%, but students who take the Ethnic Studies courses have a graduation rate of 93% and a college attendance rate of 82%.

The film is called Precious Knowledge and we had a screening at the University of Kentucky Wednesday evening, sponsored by the Martin Luther King Jr. Cultural Center.



I bought a copy of the dvd and am thinking about showing it in my course. It documents such a powerful clash of ideas about race and talking about race. Tom Horne, the superintendant of schools and now Attorney General repeated over and over again that he had marched with Martin Luther King Jr. and that by opposing Ethnic Studies classes, he was fulfilling King's vision of judging people by the content of their character, rather than the color of their skin (Ben Alpers talked about the conservative use of King before on the blog). By teaching Mexican culture, these teachers were automatically being anti-American, he argued. The premise of his speeches seemed to be that there exists an America without race, that is full of individuals making it on their own, and then over there are all of these collectivist people who emphasize race and are therefore racists. The unspoken assumption is that the individuals are white or people assimilating into white culture. For instance, when one of his colleagues sat in on the classes, he commented that the teacher wore a collared shirt and tie, and so therefore must be sort of pro-American. When the Brown Berets supported the students at a protest, their brown shirts, berets, and sunglasses represented anti-American revolutionaries to the lawmakers. (Fashion does matter!)

The two major voiced criticisms of the classes where that they were un-American because they criticized the Founding Fathers for being racist and that they used the book Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paolo Friere, which has footnotes by Lenin, Marx, and Che Guevara (whom one lawmaker called a "thug"), which led to the lawmaker's presumption that the classes were teaching students to be revolutionaries and telling the students that they are oppressed. One commenter in the newspaper feared that the classes were teaching violence against white students.

According to the clips of the classes that were shown, they seemed very much like college history classes teaching Race, Class, and Gender analysis. It made me wonder if the Arizona lawmakers would go after the University of Arizona or Arizona State next. Matthew Whitaker of ASU has started a new Institute called the "Center for the Study of Race and Democracy." Just based on the name, a lawmaker drafted a bill challenging the existence of centers--it was clear from the language of the bill that the CSRD was targeted.* Here is the purpose of the center:

The Center for the Study of Race and Democracy serves as a leading interdisciplinary, problem-solving venture committed to engaged scholarship, and informed dialogue involving the topics of race and democracy. The CSRD serves as a hub of scholarly activity at Arizona State University, and a source of expert opinion and professional support on matters of race and democracy at the local, state, national, and international levels. Researchers and practitioners affiliated with the Center are tasked with expanding the study of race and democracy beyond the black/white binary, understanding that race and participatory democracy intersect with gender, class, religion, sexuality, and nationality.

The CSRD facilitates scholarly research and publications, interdisciplinary study, discourse, and debate on cutting-edge issues related to race and democracy, broadly construed. It also provides experiential opportunities for faculty and students to engage in public service through, for example, local, national, and international programs, internships, and fellowships, and the Center administers community service projects that serve underrepresented institutions in the greater metropolitan Phoenix area.
 The Center held a Healing Racism Public Dialogue Series. Their forums "bring together academic experts, community leaders, and interested citizens for engaging and productive discussions that encourage critical thinking and positive change." Dr. Whitaker explained, "you will rarely find a gathering in Arizona that is this diverse."

The students in Tucson responded to the challenge to their classrooms with demonstrations, pickets, a run between Tucson and Phoenix in 113 degree heat (it's about 100 miles), and a sit-in at a government building. My thoughts go to education. Horne is a Harvard educated lawyer, who, at least by his rhetoric, believes he is fulfilling Martin Luther King's vision. He has been presented with information and formed his own opinion--we in the university are in the business of encouraging critical thinking and developing one's own opinions. Are we meant to be more like NPR reporters, who present information but are banned from political action, or more like activist intellectuals, like Manning Marable?

How do we teach the next generation of Tom Horne's without alienating them? I think we must find a way to teach about the importance of race, without students only hearing political correctness and turning off their ears.

A final note--in the film, one Tucson teacher says that all students are just lazy and uninterested in learning and that is why there is such a low drop out rate. One of the Ethnic Studies teachers, Mr. Gonzalez, contradicted him and said that he had never met a student alienated by learning, but had met many students alienated by school. Per Andrew's question about contemporary university education, I think we, too, have to find a way not to alienate students by the university, but instead engage them fully in the process (that includes every type of student--Anglo, black, Latino/a, Asian, Indian, men, women, gay, straight). Every semester I learn a little bit more of how to do that. Being heavy handed and didactic is not the best way, but asking questions leaves it up to the students to find their own answers. We have to let them, while still testing them. It is a difficult balance.

In one of the classes, the students repeated together a poem that is the foundation of the Chicano/a civil rights movement every day. Here it is:
In Lak’ech
Tú eres mi otro yo—you are my other me

Si te hago daño a ti,me hago daño a mí mismo.
If I do harm to you, I do harm to myself.
Sí te amo y respeto,me amo y me respeto yo.
If I love and respect you, I love and respect myself.**



*This information came from a conversation with Dr. Whitaker. I didn't find the name of the bill.
**The poem was repeated several times in the film. I found a copy of it here.
***The first photo is from the facebook page of "Precious Knowledge." It was taken in Mr. Gonzalez's Government class in Tucson. The other photos are from one of the Healing Racism Forums at ASU.Dr. Whitaker is in the second photo.