Tampilkan postingan dengan label J. David Hoeveler. Tampilkan semua postingan
Tampilkan postingan dengan label J. David Hoeveler. Tampilkan semua postingan

Sabtu, 05 Mei 2012

George Nash: Intellectual Autobiography

Dear Readers: What follows is an excerpt from George Nash's comments on an OAH Panel on conservative intellectuals. He graciously agreed to my request that these comments be published here.

Milwaukee, Wisconsin April 19, 2012

George H. Nash
One of the organizers of this panel has urged me to be autobiographical in my remarks, as a way, perhaps, of providing a context for our discussion, and so, for a few minutes, I will oblige. As most of you know, The Conservative Intellectual Movement in America Since 1945 originated as a doctoral dissertation at Harvard University. What you probably do not know is that this was not the original subject of my dissertation. Casting about for a topic while living on a politically polarized university campus in 1969 and 1970, I became fascinated by the phenomenon of intellectuals in American politics and began to look for a “case study” to focus upon. For a time I considered writing a dissertation about the muckrakers or the Progressives. Moving closer toward the present, I examined leftwing student protest movements in the 1930s. Finally, after several months of searching, I selected my dissertation subject: a history of Americans for Democratic Action (the ADA).

Barely two months later, I abandoned this topic. I did so for reasons that seemed compelling to a lowly graduate student at the time. I discovered that another graduate student at another university was working on the very same subject and had a substantial head start. And I came to the conclusion from my preliminary research that the ADA—whatever one thought of its principles—was boring. Once it had defeated the “Progressive” liberals in the political civil war on the Left in 1947-48, it quickly settled down into utter predictability and ideological conformity. Its period of greatest historical importance had lasted little more than a year.

And so it came about that my dissertation adviser—himself at the time a liberal Democrat and onetime ADA member—suggested that I look at intellectuals on the other side of the political divide: the conservatives. In truth, the idea of writing about modern conservatism had occurred to me before my adviser, Donald Fleming, made his fateful recommendation, but two obstacles had deterred me up to that point. The first, which may strike you as quaint, was concern that the topic was not “historical” enough—that it was too close in time to the present to be examined in historical perspective. Would there, I also wondered, be enough archival material upon which to base such a study? The second hurdle was in a sense political: conservatism in the early 1970s was not chic among historians, and I knew this. During my undergraduate years at Amherst, one of my professors had dismissed Russell Kirk as a “broken record” and William F. Buckley Jr. as “fancy footwork.” I knew what prominent historians thought of what was frequently then labeled the “Radical Right.” Still, in 1970 I accepted my adviser’s counsel and quickly found, on the intellectual Right, a world in ferment that proved fascinating to explore.

The decision to write about an unfashionable topic, with contemporary ramifications, had an important effect on me, I now believe: it encouraged me to approach the subject as dispassionately as possible. I aspired to write a dissertation (and eventual book) that could be read with profit by people across the ideological spectrum, regardless of their opinion of the subject. In the near term (though I do not recall worrying about this unduly), it would be necessary to submit a dissertation that would pass muster with readers in my own department, none of whom, so far as I knew, was sympathetic to conservatism.

But there was more to my modus operandi than this. In his paper Professor Andrew Hartman quotes a passage from Gertrude Himmelfarb that resonates with me. “Where modernism tolerates relativism,” she says, “postmodernism celebrates it.” “Where modernism, aware of the obstacles in the way of objectivity, regards this as a challenge and makes strenuous efforts to attain as much objectivity and unbiased truth as possible, postmodernism takes the rejection of absolute truth as a deliverance from all truth and from the obligation to maintain any degree of objectivity.”

By this definition of terms, I think it fair to say that Professor [David] Hoeveler [chair of this panel] and I came into the profession at the tail end of the reign of modernism. Somewhere along the line I absorbed the conviction that the fundamental purpose of a historian must be the quest for truth about the past or (in the words of the historian John Lukacs) “the reduction of untruths” about the past. To be sure, we all have our limitations. We are all human and, as Mark Twain once remarked, “There is a little human nature in all of us.” Moreover, as historians we know that perspectives change, new methodologies appear, the world turns, new conditions arise, and new questions about the past become salient. Nevertheless, as Himmelfarb notes, the “modernist” response to these “obstacles in the way of objectivity” is to try to overcome them and reaffirm the ideal, even while knowing that we shall never totally succeed. Some of this impulse, I believe, guided my approach to my subject: I wanted and felt the need to be as nonpartisan about it as possible.

So I plunged in and thereby (without knowing it) set out on a road that has remained less traveled until recently. I sometimes wonder what would have happened if I had persisted with a dissertation on the ADA. The chances are that I would not be participating in this panel today.

I share these fragments of autobiography partly to emphasize the curious, contingent factors that can shape a career or a field of inquiry--and partly for another reason. Today historians and other scholars often speak about our “projects” and our research agendas. Perhaps this is a subtle reflection of the hold of postmodernism on the academic imagination: If truth is merely a construct derived from the interplay of power relationships, perhaps it must appear to some that whenever we write a book we must have some hidden, long-term purpose. In my own case, I have occasionally noticed in the literature what seem to be intimations that The Conservative Intellectual Movement in American Since 1945 was intended to establish the parameters for the field and to marginalize other approaches to the study of American conservatism. Why, for instance, did the book start with 1945? Why not 1933? Was I attempting thereby to “privilege” the Buckleyite New Right at the expense of the pre-World War II “Old Right”? And so on.

Perhaps the funniest hint that the book had some grandiose ambition was probably a case of a typographical error. In the 1980s someone in a bibliography mistakenly cited my book as The Conservative Intellectual Movement in America Since 1492!

Let me assure all present that I had no such grand design when I began. In 1970 I was a twenty-five-year-old graduate student anxious to do my best on a manageable subject that seemed worth studying and then, with my degree in hand, to enter Academia. If I had done so in the conventional manner, I have no idea what my second book would have been about.

Selasa, 24 April 2012

What's next in the intellectual history of conservatives?


My OAH experience this year was short but sweet. My panel, "Advise and Dissent: Intellectuals, Values, and Postwar Conservative Trajectories," which took place on Thursday, was a huge success by my account. Chaired by J. David Hoeveler (University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee), it included excellent papers by Gregory Schneider (Emporia State University), who talked about Stephen Tonsor, and Lisa Szefel (Pacific University, the next S-USIH treasurer), who presented on Peter Viereck. I gave a paper on Gertrude Himmelfarb. The highlight of the session was provided by George H. Nash, author of the groundbreaking The Conservative Intellectual Movement in America since 1945 (which we debated last year at length here).
Nash opened with a fascinating autobiographical discussion about his peculiar career trajectory--which is of historiographic significance given that his seminal book on conservative intellectuals was written way, way before the topic became trendy. He then spoke some about the incredible surge of historiography on conservatism since Alan Brinkley offered the topic his imprimatur. After that, Nash concluded with some suggestions about what still needs to be done on the history of conservatism. Here they are:
Nash contends that we need biographies of the following three conservative intellectuals:
1) Irving Kristol. (It's amazing nobody has written this yet.)
2) Richard John Neuhaus. (I think our own Ray Haberski is the perfect candidate to write this book.)
3) Peter Viereck. (As Nash noted, luckily Lisa Szefel is on the case.)
Nash also argued that we need more historical exploration of the following three spheres of conservative intellectual history:
1) Neoconservatism. (I couldn't agree more.)

2) The changing place of Europe in the conservative imagination. (This is intriguing--I wanted to ask Nash more about this but forgot to.)
3) Conservative religious ecumenicalism and interfaith alliances. (Speaking as someone writing on the culture wars, for which the breakdown of religious barriers in favor of new political alliances was a major cause and consequence, I second this notion.)
What do you all think? How about an open thread on what still needs to be done on the history of conservatism, conservative intellectuals, or even intellectual history more broadly.

Kamis, 23 Juni 2011

Robert Nozick and the Libertarian Mind

If you had learned your U.S. intellectual history solely from this site over the past four years, you would have seen Robert Nozick's name explicitly mentioned only once in a post---as a secondary reference. His name has appeared indirectly, in a few books reviewed or mentioned here, such as Daniel Rodgers' Age of Fracture. That aside, Nozick has essentially been absent from USIH discussions until today. Why? I'm not sure. So let's begin at the beginning:

Who is Robert Nozick?

Born in New York City, he lived from 1938 to 2002. Nozick was a professor at Harvard University, where his fields of study were moral and political philosophy---in the analytic vein. His most famous work is Anarchy, State, and Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1974). The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy (IEP) contains a nice summary of it.[1] Some have called Anarchy, State, and Utopia the libertarian response to John Rawls' A Theory of Justice. After his most famous work, here is what the IEP article says about Nozick's professional trajectory:

Nozick neglected political philosophy for the rest of his philosophical career. He moved on to address other philosophical questions and made significant contributions to other areas of philosophical inquiry. In epistemology, Nozick developed an externalist analysis of knowledge in terms of counterfactual conditions that provides a response to radical skepticism. In metaphysics, he proposed a “closest continuer” theory of personal identity.

Nozick also delved into public philosophy, as you will see in the titles of a few of the following books by him:

- Philosophical Explanations (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1981)
- The Examined Life: Philosophical Meditations (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989)
- The Nature of Rationality (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993)
- Socratic Puzzles (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997)
- Invariances: The Structure of the Objective World (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2001)

Before diving too deeply into the contents of any one book, or Nozick's most significant ideas, let's look ahead a bit. What is Nozick's significance to later thinkers and scholars? A consideration of subsequent works about him may tell us something. With that, I've put together select list of significant books, theses, and dissertations that look at Nozick and his thought (located below, in order of oldest to most recent, gathered from here). A quick perusal of the list reveals that Nozick has received more attention over the last ten years.

On Nozick's significant ideas and influence, estimates like these are hazardous, but a quick study of the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (online) reveals 106 references to, and citations of, his work. About 75-80 percent of those are related to Anarchy, State, and Utopia.

Qualitatively speaking, Stephen Metcalf recently wrote the following, for Slate.com, about Nozick's historical significance (bolds mine):

--------------------------------------------------

As a moral philosopher, Nozick was free to stretch liberty further than even an Austrian economist. That is, he was able to separate out a normative claim (that liberty is the fundamental value of values, and should be maximized) from an empirical claim (that the most efficient method for allocating goods and services is a market economy). Free to pursue liberty as a matter of pure principle, Nozick let nothing stand in his way. Should we tax the rich to feed the poor? Absolutely not, as "taxation of earnings is on par with forced labor." (Or more precisely: "Taking the earnings of n hours of labor is like taking n hours from the person.") Well, isn't at least some redistribution necessary on the basis of need? "Need a gardener allocate his services to those lawns which need him most?"

To the entire left, Nozick, in effect, said: Your social justice comes at an unacceptable cost, namely, to my personal liberty. Most distressingly, to this end Nozick enlisted the humanist's most cherished belief: the inviolability of each human being as an end unto himself—what Nozick, drawing on Immanuel Kant, calls "the separateness of persons." For Nozick, the principle of the separateness of persons is close to sacred. It affirms, as he writes, "the underlying Kantian principle that individuals are ends and not merely means; they may not be sacrificed or used for the achieving of other ends without their consent. Individuals are inviolable."

I like to think that when Nozick published Anarchy, the levee broke, the polite Fabian [read: cautious and gradualist] consensus collapsed, and hence, in rapid succession: Hayek won the Nobel Prize in economics in 1974, followed by Milton Friedman in '75, the same year Thatcher became Leader of the Opposition, followed by the California and Massachusetts tax revolts, culminating in the election of Reagan, and … well, where it stops, nobody knows
.

--------------------------------------------------

It should be noted that the point of Metcalf's polemical piece is to discuss why Nozick gave up libertarianism. The title reveals the article's thesis: "The Liberty Scam: Why even Robert Nozick, the philosophical father of libertarianism, gave up on the movement he inspired." [Aside: This article, by the way, is the best short take-down of extreme libertarianism I've ever read.]

That aside, the lines I excerpted from Metcalf's article seem to demand the following conclusion: Nozick is a major marker figure in the intellectual development of the New Right.

Before leaving Nozick for reader discussion, let me provide a final plug from historians on why Nozick matters. I don't have Daniel Rodgers' excellent book on hand (Age of Fracture), so I can't relay his passages on Nozick. But I do happen to have J. David Hoeveler, Jr.'s The Postmodernist Turn at my desk.[2] Hoeveler ends his book---in the last passages just before his Afterword---with a four-page reflection on Nozick. Here are few passages (bolds mine):

In the 1960s and early 1970s, libertarianism found outspoken defenders in Ayn Rand, science fiction novelist Robert Heinlein, and Murray Rothbard. ...When Rothbard happened to have a conversation with young Harvard professor, Robert Nozick, the professor decided to write a book.

Nozick took a circuitous route to libertarianism. In high school in the 1950s he had joined the youth branch of the Norman Thomas's Socialist Party, and as an undergraduate at Columbia he founded another Socialist group. But Nozick gradually yielded to the persuasive forces of individualism and of moral and economic systems that gave highest priority to the free individual. ...

Nozick's book [Anarchy] is not an easy matter. It flourishes with the philosopher's love of dense logic-chopping and finely-tuned disputation. The reader will find many pages full of mathematical symbols. In its analytical depth it resembles the work of Nozick's rival Rawls. ...One reviewer called [it] "a major event in political philosophy."...[noting] that recent political theory generally assumed the necessary distributive role of the state. However correct, he added, after Anarchy...these axioms could no longer be taken for granted.
(pp. 168-69)

From here Hoeveler spends a great deal of time summarizing the book, discussing Nozick terms and axioms like "the entitlement theory," "end-result" or "end-state" principles, and Nozick's long (50-page) direct critique of Rawls. Here is Hoeveler's final statement on Nozick---which happens to also be the last page of the text (again, bolds mine):

Anarchy, State, and Utopia offered a theoretical, philosophical defense of libertarianism. ...It often gave illustrations, but too often came up short of details. Nonetheless, reviewers took Nozick's book to be, ultimately, a polemic against all the apparatus of the modern liberal state---welfare operations, public health care, compulsory social security, state-sponsored education, progressive taxation, and legislated equality of any kind. Some conservatives therefore welcomed Nozick's ideas. But Nozick wanted to be consistent. His libertarianism, however welcomed by conservative businessmen...aspired to give them no privileges. Nozick insisted that he opposed any government favoritism, as, for example, no subsidies to businesses (the airlines) or in protective tariffs. ...True and consistent libertarianism, like Nozick's, always confounds the liberal-conservative dichotomies. (p. 172).

With that, I ask the reader: How important does Nozick seem to be in the spectrum of conservative political (and social) philosophy? How significant was he to neoconservatives, or the New Right generally? If a "libertarian mind" exists (I don't necessarily believe ~one~ does), how has Nozick helped in its formation? How have you seen Nozick cited in USIH-type works beyond Rodgers and Hoeveler? - TL

--------------------------------------------------

[1] The IEP article is probably the most comprehensive of those I found online. It was written by Edward Feser of Pasadena City College. For what it's worth, Feser is a self-proclaimed political conservative and "traditional Roman Catholic" in matters of religion.

[2] The Postmodernist Turn: American Thought and Culture in the 1970s (New York: Twayne Publishers/Simon & Schuster Macillan, 1996).

--------------------------------------------------

Select, Significant Books, Dissertations, and Theses About Nozick

(Listed from oldest to most recent)


- Golash, Deirdre. "Entitlement and Equality: A Response to Robert Nozick." Thesis--University of Maryland, College Park, 1976.
- Goldsworthy, Jefferey Denys. "Robert Nozick and the Justifaction of Coercive Government." Thesis (LL. M.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1983, 1983.
- Luper, Steven. The Possibility of Knowledge: Nozick and His Critics. Totowa, N.J.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1987.
- Paul, Jeffrey, ed. Reading Nozick: Essays on Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1991.
- Wolff, Jonathan. Robert Nozick: Property, Justice, and the Minimal State. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1991.
- Roberts, P. M. "Historical Entitlement Theory: Robert Nozick and Hillet Steiner." Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wales Swansea, 1994, 1994.
- Jovic, Dejan. Robert Nozick: between Anarchy and State. Manchester: University of Manchester, 1995.
- Hailwood, Simon. Exploring Nozick: Beyond Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Sydney: Avebury, 1996.
- Lacey, A. R. Robert Nozick. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001.
- Casey, David T. "Negative Rights and Social Indifference: Trying to Resuscitate Robert Nozick's Libertarianism." Norton, MA: Wheaton College, 2001.
- Schmidtz, David, ed. Robert Nozick. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002. [right]
- Feser, Edward. On Nozick. Australia: Thomson/Wadsworth, 2004.
- Payne-Johnson, Jesse Paul. "Anarchy, State, Utopia & the Social Contract: The Contractarian Foundations of Nozick's Libertarianism." Thesis (A.B., Honors in Government)--Harvard University, 2006, 2006.
- Bakaya, Santosh. The Political Theory of Robert Nozick. Delhi: Kalpaz, 2006.
- Schwab, Alexander B. "Rectifying Justice in Rectification: Dealing with Historical Injustice in Nozick's Minimal State." Thesis (A.B., Honors in Philosophy)--Harvard University, 2006, 2006.
- Murray, Dale F. Nozick, Autonomy, and Compensation. London: Continuum, 2007.
- Boaheng, Paul Biredu. "Nozick's Non-Libertarianism: A Philosophical Reconstruction." Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Alberta, 2007, 2007.
- Bader, Ralf M. Robert Nozick. New York: Continuum, 2010.
- Papaioannou, Theo. Robert Nozick's Moral and Political Theory: A Philosophical Critique of Libertarianism. Lewiston, NY [u.a.]: Mellen Press, 2010.
- Bader, Ralf M., and John Meadowcroft. The Cambridge Companion to Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. [right]

Robert Nozick and the Libertarian Mind

If you had learned your U.S. intellectual history solely from this site over the past four years, you would have seen Robert Nozick's name explicitly mentioned only once in a post---as a secondary reference. His name has appeared indirectly, in a few books reviewed or mentioned here, such as Daniel Rodgers' Age of Fracture. That aside, Nozick has essentially been absent from USIH discussions until today. Why? I'm not sure. So let's begin at the beginning:

Who is Robert Nozick?

Born in New York City, he lived from 1938 to 2002. Nozick was a professor at Harvard University, where his fields of study were moral and political philosophy---in the analytic vein. His most famous work is Anarchy, State, and Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1974). The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy (IEP) contains a nice summary of it.[1] Some have called Anarchy, State, and Utopia the libertarian response to John Rawls' A Theory of Justice. After his most famous work, here is what the IEP article says about Nozick's professional trajectory:

Nozick neglected political philosophy for the rest of his philosophical career. He moved on to address other philosophical questions and made significant contributions to other areas of philosophical inquiry. In epistemology, Nozick developed an externalist analysis of knowledge in terms of counterfactual conditions that provides a response to radical skepticism. In metaphysics, he proposed a “closest continuer” theory of personal identity.

Nozick also delved into public philosophy, as you will see in the titles of a few of the following books by him:

- Philosophical Explanations (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1981)
- The Examined Life: Philosophical Meditations (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989)
- The Nature of Rationality (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993)
- Socratic Puzzles (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997)
- Invariances: The Structure of the Objective World (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2001)

Before diving too deeply into the contents of any one book, or Nozick's most significant ideas, let's look ahead a bit. What is Nozick's significance to later thinkers and scholars? A consideration of subsequent works about him may tell us something. With that, I've put together select list of significant books, theses, and dissertations that look at Nozick and his thought (located below, in order of oldest to most recent, gathered from here). A quick perusal of the list reveals that Nozick has received more attention over the last ten years.

On Nozick's significant ideas and influence, estimates like these are hazardous, but a quick study of the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (online) reveals 106 references to, and citations of, his work. About 75-80 percent of those are related to Anarchy, State, and Utopia.

Qualitatively speaking, Stephen Metcalf recently wrote the following, for Slate.com, about Nozick's historical significance (bolds mine):

--------------------------------------------------

As a moral philosopher, Nozick was free to stretch liberty further than even an Austrian economist. That is, he was able to separate out a normative claim (that liberty is the fundamental value of values, and should be maximized) from an empirical claim (that the most efficient method for allocating goods and services is a market economy). Free to pursue liberty as a matter of pure principle, Nozick let nothing stand in his way. Should we tax the rich to feed the poor? Absolutely not, as "taxation of earnings is on par with forced labor." (Or more precisely: "Taking the earnings of n hours of labor is like taking n hours from the person.") Well, isn't at least some redistribution necessary on the basis of need? "Need a gardener allocate his services to those lawns which need him most?"

To the entire left, Nozick, in effect, said: Your social justice comes at an unacceptable cost, namely, to my personal liberty. Most distressingly, to this end Nozick enlisted the humanist's most cherished belief: the inviolability of each human being as an end unto himself—what Nozick, drawing on Immanuel Kant, calls "the separateness of persons." For Nozick, the principle of the separateness of persons is close to sacred. It affirms, as he writes, "the underlying Kantian principle that individuals are ends and not merely means; they may not be sacrificed or used for the achieving of other ends without their consent. Individuals are inviolable."

I like to think that when Nozick published Anarchy, the levee broke, the polite Fabian [read: cautious and gradualist] consensus collapsed, and hence, in rapid succession: Hayek won the Nobel Prize in economics in 1974, followed by Milton Friedman in '75, the same year Thatcher became Leader of the Opposition, followed by the California and Massachusetts tax revolts, culminating in the election of Reagan, and … well, where it stops, nobody knows
.

--------------------------------------------------

It should be noted that the point of Metcalf's polemical piece is to discuss why Nozick gave up libertarianism. The title reveals the article's thesis: "The Liberty Scam: Why even Robert Nozick, the philosophical father of libertarianism, gave up on the movement he inspired." [Aside: This article, by the way, is the best short take-down of extreme libertarianism I've ever read.]

That aside, the lines I excerpted from Metcalf's article seem to demand the following conclusion: Nozick is a major marker figure in the intellectual development of the New Right.

Before leaving Nozick for reader discussion, let me provide a final plug from historians on why Nozick matters. I don't have Daniel Rodgers' excellent book on hand (Age of Fracture), so I can't relay his passages on Nozick. But I do happen to have J. David Hoeveler, Jr.'s The Postmodernist Turn at my desk.[2] Hoeveler ends his book---in the last passages just before his Afterword---with a four-page reflection on Nozick. Here are few passages (bolds mine):

In the 1960s and early 1970s, libertarianism found outspoken defenders in Ayn Rand, science fiction novelist Robert Heinlein, and Murray Rothbard. ...When Rothbard happened to have a conversation with young Harvard professor, Robert Nozick, the professor decided to write a book.

Nozick took a circuitous route to libertarianism. In high school in the 1950s he had joined the youth branch of the Norman Thomas's Socialist Party, and as an undergraduate at Columbia he founded another Socialist group. But Nozick gradually yielded to the persuasive forces of individualism and of moral and economic systems that gave highest priority to the free individual. ...

Nozick's book [Anarchy] is not an easy matter. It flourishes with the philosopher's love of dense logic-chopping and finely-tuned disputation. The reader will find many pages full of mathematical symbols. In its analytical depth it resembles the work of Nozick's rival Rawls. ...One reviewer called [it] "a major event in political philosophy."...[noting] that recent political theory generally assumed the necessary distributive role of the state. However correct, he added, after Anarchy...these axioms could no longer be taken for granted.
(pp. 168-69)

From here Hoeveler spends a great deal of time summarizing the book, discussing Nozick terms and axioms like "the entitlement theory," "end-result" or "end-state" principles, and Nozick's long (50-page) direct critique of Rawls. Here is Hoeveler's final statement on Nozick---which happens to also be the last page of the text (again, bolds mine):

Anarchy, State, and Utopia offered a theoretical, philosophical defense of libertarianism. ...It often gave illustrations, but too often came up short of details. Nonetheless, reviewers took Nozick's book to be, ultimately, a polemic against all the apparatus of the modern liberal state---welfare operations, public health care, compulsory social security, state-sponsored education, progressive taxation, and legislated equality of any kind. Some conservatives therefore welcomed Nozick's ideas. But Nozick wanted to be consistent. His libertarianism, however welcomed by conservative businessmen...aspired to give them no privileges. Nozick insisted that he opposed any government favoritism, as, for example, no subsidies to businesses (the airlines) or in protective tariffs. ...True and consistent libertarianism, like Nozick's, always confounds the liberal-conservative dichotomies. (p. 172).

With that, I ask the reader: How important does Nozick seem to be in the spectrum of conservative political (and social) philosophy? How significant was he to neoconservatives, or the New Right generally? If a "libertarian mind" exists (I don't necessarily believe ~one~ does), how has Nozick helped in its formation? How have you seen Nozick cited in USIH-type works beyond Rodgers and Hoeveler? - TL

--------------------------------------------------

[1] The IEP article is probably the most comprehensive of those I found online. It was written by Edward Feser of Pasadena City College. For what it's worth, Feser is a self-proclaimed political conservative and "traditional Roman Catholic" in matters of religion.

[2] The Postmodernist Turn: American Thought and Culture in the 1970s (New York: Twayne Publishers/Simon & Schuster Macillan, 1996).

--------------------------------------------------

Select, Significant Books, Dissertations, and Theses About Nozick

(Listed from oldest to most recent)


- Golash, Deirdre. "Entitlement and Equality: A Response to Robert Nozick." Thesis--University of Maryland, College Park, 1976.
- Goldsworthy, Jefferey Denys. "Robert Nozick and the Justifaction of Coercive Government." Thesis (LL. M.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1983, 1983.
- Luper, Steven. The Possibility of Knowledge: Nozick and His Critics. Totowa, N.J.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1987.
- Paul, Jeffrey, ed. Reading Nozick: Essays on Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1991.
- Wolff, Jonathan. Robert Nozick: Property, Justice, and the Minimal State. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1991.
- Roberts, P. M. "Historical Entitlement Theory: Robert Nozick and Hillet Steiner." Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wales Swansea, 1994, 1994.
- Jovic, Dejan. Robert Nozick: between Anarchy and State. Manchester: University of Manchester, 1995.
- Hailwood, Simon. Exploring Nozick: Beyond Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Sydney: Avebury, 1996.
- Lacey, A. R. Robert Nozick. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001.
- Casey, David T. "Negative Rights and Social Indifference: Trying to Resuscitate Robert Nozick's Libertarianism." Norton, MA: Wheaton College, 2001.
- Schmidtz, David, ed. Robert Nozick. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002. [right]
- Feser, Edward. On Nozick. Australia: Thomson/Wadsworth, 2004.
- Payne-Johnson, Jesse Paul. "Anarchy, State, Utopia & the Social Contract: The Contractarian Foundations of Nozick's Libertarianism." Thesis (A.B., Honors in Government)--Harvard University, 2006, 2006.
- Bakaya, Santosh. The Political Theory of Robert Nozick. Delhi: Kalpaz, 2006.
- Schwab, Alexander B. "Rectifying Justice in Rectification: Dealing with Historical Injustice in Nozick's Minimal State." Thesis (A.B., Honors in Philosophy)--Harvard University, 2006, 2006.
- Murray, Dale F. Nozick, Autonomy, and Compensation. London: Continuum, 2007.
- Boaheng, Paul Biredu. "Nozick's Non-Libertarianism: A Philosophical Reconstruction." Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Alberta, 2007, 2007.
- Bader, Ralf M. Robert Nozick. New York: Continuum, 2010.
- Papaioannou, Theo. Robert Nozick's Moral and Political Theory: A Philosophical Critique of Libertarianism. Lewiston, NY [u.a.]: Mellen Press, 2010.
- Bader, Ralf M., and John Meadowcroft. The Cambridge Companion to Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. [right]