Tampilkan postingan dengan label David Barton. Tampilkan semua postingan
Tampilkan postingan dengan label David Barton. Tampilkan semua postingan

Senin, 03 Desember 2012

Notes on the State of Thomas Jefferson

On the heels of a vigorous discussion of how best to tell the story of emancipation prompted by the November release of Steven Spielberg's Lincoln, an interesting debate on the legacy of Thomas Jefferson erupted online late last week.* While the Spielberg movie had clearly prompted the earlier discussion, the occasion for the Jefferson discussion was a bit more obscure, though all involved knew that Henry Wiencek's Master of the Mountain was somehow the cause of the dispute.

The foundation of this recent discussion about Jefferson seems to have been not Wiencek's book itself (which appeared back in October), nor even the controversies about the book, but rather a November 26 New York Times piece by Jennifer Schuessler about these controversies.

The Schuessler article does a somewhat better job conveying the heat of this dispute than casting light on what exactly is at stake.  Wiencek, an independent scholar, indicts Jefferson for his involvement with the institution of slavery and for his treatment of his slaves. While the book received some positive reviews, most academics have been very critical of it.  Wiencek, at least as portrayed by Schuessler, suggests that these scholars "inside the Jefferson bubble" are reflexively protecting the third president from criticism.  Meanwhile, Schuessler presents academic scholars as dismissive of Wiencek in part because he is not an academic.  What gets a bit buried in the article is that the criticism of Wiencek is largely that little in his book is new, and what is new isn't very convicing. Wiencek apparently argues that, in the middle of his life, Jefferson suddenly realized how profitable slavery was and promptly abandoned his previous objections to the institution (“It was all about the money,” Schuessler quotes Wiencek as saying. “By the 1790s, he saw [slaves] as capital assets and was literally counting the babies.”).  Historians seem to be particularly irked at Wiencek's attempts to cast all of his opponents as reflexive Jefferson defenders. I don't have a view of Master of the Mountain, which I haven't read. But Wiencek's suggestion that Annette Gordon-Reed is "inside the Jefferson bubble" is ridiculous. Gordon-Reed came to Jefferson studies as a complete outsider.  Her pathbreaking first book, Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings: An American Controversy, was a broadside directed against Jefferson's actual reflexive defenders.  
The nature of the controversy over Wiencek's book and of its coverage in the New York Times is worth noting in part because this week's online discussion of Jefferson, while centering on Wiencek's subject--Jefferson and slavery--has said relatively little about Wiencek and his book. The opening salvo seems to have been fired by Paul Finkelman, an academic legal historian and author of Slavery and the Founders: Race and Liberty in the Age of Jefferson.  Finkelman was quoted by Schuessler as a critic of Wiencek's claims of great originality.  As if to emphasize that his disagreements with Wiencek did not concern the negativity of Master of the Mountain's evaluation of Jefferson (nor, for that matter, the desirability of alliterative titles evoking the third president's home), last Saturday, December 1, Finkelman published an op-ed in the New York Times entitled "The Monster of Monticello," which argued that Jefferson was a "creepy, brutal hypocrite."  The main source of Finkelman's disagreement with Wiencek involves the latter's claim that Jefferson's devotion to slavery dated from the 1790s.  In fact, argues Finkelman, "Jefferson was always deeply committed to slavery, and even more deeply hostile to the welfare of blacks, slave or free."

David Post, a blogger at the conservative academic blog The Volokh Conspiracy and a Professor of Law at Temple and adjunct scholar at the Cato Institute, responded with hostility to Finkelman, accusing him of purveying "truly outrageous and pernicious and a-historical nonsense."

Much of the rest of the academic blogosphere followed with a series of posts agreeing wholeheartedly with Finkelman's indictment of Jefferson. For example, Corey Robin wrote a long post arguing that Jefferson's thought was a tributary of fascism (though he later emphasized that the connection between Jefferson and fascism was more related to his views on race than on slavery per se).  Scott Lemieux blogged for Finkelman and against Post on Lawyers, Guns and Money.  Yesterday, Kathleen Geier of the Washington Monthly's Political Animal blog noted the controversy.

Geier pointed out that negative views of Jefferson and his relationship to slavery have become much more mainstream than they were even in the very recent past.  I'd agree with this assessment and think that, in general, it reflects progress in scholars' coming to terms with Thomas Jefferson's life, thought, and legacy.

However, to me what stands out about this entire debate is how it violates a lot of our expectations when it comes to academic historians' forays into the public sphere.

Compare it, for example, to what I think is a much more stereotypical example of the form: the debate earlier this year over David Barton's The Jefferson Lies. As most readers of this blog know Barton, an evangelical Christian minister, popular historian, GOP activist, and favorite of the far right, enjoyed his national fifteen minutes of fame last year.  The publication of his Jefferson book, however, was greeted with lots of very effective scholarly pushback, eventually leading his publisher to pull all copies from distribution.

The controversy over Barton's The Jefferson Lies thus fulfilled a lot of what one might expect from a conflict between academic and non-academic history in the public sphere: a popular, ideologically-driven author attempted to pass fabrications off as history in order to defend a peculiar, hagiographical portrait of a Founding Father.  Academic historians effectively fact-checked him and manage to win the war...or at least the battle.

What's interesting about the more recent Jefferson scuffle is that the main divisions between the non-academic historian, Henry Wiencek, and his academic opponents are considerably more subtle.  Though some have tried to defend an idealized vision of Jefferson, the main conflict is between two negative portraits of him.  And the main areas of disagreement involve issues of interpretation (e.g. did Jefferson's attitudes toward slavery change in the 1790s?) and tone, rather than relatively simple issues of fact and honesty.  The result is an opportunity for a more complicated, but still largely negative, portrait of Jefferson-on-race to reach a broader public.  This is a good thing. But my guess is that the underlying debate over Wiencek's book is still rather mysterious for non-historians playing along at home.
________________________________
* I posted on the debates about Lincoln last Monday, which prompted a fascinating discussion in comments that I did not adequately respond to.  Ray then added a fascinating post on Hollywood history later in the week.  I plan to return to the questions raised in that conversation and in Ray's post, though I may not get to it until next Monday.

Jumat, 10 Agustus 2012

Keeping the Faiths

Today, the entire academy, and especially those of us who are part of the American historical profession, owe a profound debt of thanks to several of our colleagues for a truly thankless task:  fighting the farcical, fraudulent, fatuous pseudo-historical pseudo-scholarship of David Barton.

In case you haven't heard, the Thomas Nelson publishing company has decided to stop the presses on Barton's infamous book The Jefferson Lies, and pull all copies from distribution.   Thomas Kidd, who broke the story yesterday at World Magazine, reports:
Casey Francis Harrell, Thomas Nelson’s director of corporate communications, told me the publishing house “was contacted by a number of people expressing concerns about [The Jefferson Lies].” The company began to evaluate the criticisms, Harrell said, and “in the course of our review learned that there were some historical details included in the book that were not adequately supported. Because of these deficiencies we decided that it was in the best interest of our readers to stop the publication and distribution.”
I don't know who in particular contacted the publisher.  But I do know that a number of historians and other scholars have done yeoman's work in demonstrating the evidentiary flimsiness and downright fabrications underlying many of Barton's claims.

John Fea, who blogs at The Way of Improvement Leads Home and who will be commenting on a panel at the fifth annual S-USIH conference this fall, has spent the past several months documenting and debunking Barton's distortions and outright lies. See especially his six-part series of blog posts analyzing Barton's historical argumentation.  Type "David Barton" into the search window at the top of Fea's blog, and you will get a sense of how much time this highly-regarded professional historian has spent doing battle against (really bad) popular "history."  In these posts you will also see that Fea frequently links to the work of other historians and scholars from a range of academic disciplines who have taken the time and care to refute Barton's propaganda -- scholars such as Stephen Prothero, Warren Throckmorton, Michael Coulter, Clay Jenkinson, Alan Pell Crawford.

Similarly, at the Religion in American History blog, historians Randall Stephens, Kelly Baker, Paul Harvey, Chris Beneke, and other contributors and commenters have situated Barton's work where it belongs:  not as history, but as a particular (and particularly virulent) strain of right-wing Christian nationalist propaganda. 

Barton's propaganda has never been aimed at swaying the judgment of the historical profession; though he has apparently been able to dupe the Texas board of education into accepting his propaganda as history, he is not writing anything that has a chance of passing muster with professional historians.  People who practice critical thinking skills for a living are not his target audience.  So professors at places like Messiah College, Grove City College, North Park University -- Christian institutions all -- might have been excused for doing what most of us do when we run across some of the laughable nonsense that sometimes passes for reliable history with popular audiences:  as academics and professionals, they could have simply ignored Barton.  Instead, they took the time and trouble to refute him -- drawing the predictably martyrological response from Barton that their criticism should be dismissed as the work of "academic elitists" who are attacking his "personal religious beliefs." 

Presumably, the group of Cincinnati pastors who recently called for a boycott of Thomas Nelson publishing over Barton's book are not part of the anti-Christian academic elite.  Bob Allen at the Associated Baptist Press reports that these evangelical pastors "were concerned that the book glosses over Jefferson’s heretical views about Jesus Christ and excuses him for owning slaves."  In other words, they fault not only Barton's historical argumentation but the moral judgment from which it proceeds and which it supports.  For them, Barton's work is not just bad history, but bad history in the service of bad theology. 

Indeed, I assume that Barton's work is "bad theology" in the view of the many Christian academics and scholars who have taken the time and trouble to expose the propagandist's falsifications and distortions.  In fact, I would surmise that their own pastoral and confessional concerns as scholars and teachers in faith-based institutions, their sense of responsibility to teach not only well but truly, might have spurred them to take on this particular vapid but vicious wolf. 

As a historian, I am not the least bit interested in promulgating good theology or bad theology or any theology at all.  I just want to write and teach good history.  What is interesting -- and not a little problematic for me -- about this case is the way in which good theology appealed for support to good history, and good history emerged at least in part from a commitment to good theology.

Why do I find this problematic?  Well, that has to do with a book review I have not yet written, and my reasons for not yet writing it.  I will explain my problem in another post.  For now, though, I would like to congratulate and thank these scholars and their colleagues for fighting the good fight and keeping the faith. I'm just not quite sure which faith or faiths they're keeping, and how they fit or ought to fit together.  But this I know:  if we are to judge a tree by its fruits, this latest small victory for good history tastes pretty sweet indeed.

Kamis, 11 Agustus 2011

Lacy's Open Thread: 8/11/2011 Edition

It's been three weeks since trying this for the first time, so let's give it another go. Here are a few conversation starters:



1. No one else has introduced her name here, so I might as well be the first: I'm intrigued by Ryan Lizza's recent 'Pseudo-(anti?-)Intellectual History of Michele Bachmann'. It's a fascinating and depressing account of Bachmann's intellectual influences. Here's a piece tracking responses to Lizza's narrative. I'm intrigued by the second Francis Schaeffer reference I've read this week...segue...



2. Every history graduate student---and every historian for that matter---should be required to read chapter four of John Fea's recent book, Was America Founded as a Christian Nation?: A Historical Introduction. The chapter's title is "History for the Faithful: The Contemporary Defenders of Christian America." Fea lays out his view of five themes covered in recent popular books by those who want to prove---and among those who want to believe---the thesis that America is a Christian nation.



3. Here's another survey text covering the last 40 years of American history: Jeff Madrick's Age of Greed. Color me green with intrigue. It's amazing to me how the Sixties serve as an impregnable analytical wall---a wall that forces historians to write about it directly, aim for it, or launch from it. Few who narrate broadly seem to write through it.



But hey, these are just my ideas for discussion. I'm open to anything else you want cover. - TL

Lacy's Open Thread: 8/11/2011 Edition

It's been three weeks since trying this for the first time, so let's give it another go. Here are a few conversation starters:



1. No one else has introduced her name here, so I might as well be the first: I'm intrigued by Ryan Lizza's recent 'Pseudo-(anti?-)Intellectual History of Michele Bachmann'. It's a fascinating and depressing account of Bachmann's intellectual influences. Here's a piece tracking responses to Lizza's narrative. I'm intrigued by the second Francis Schaeffer reference I've read this week...segue...



2. Every history graduate student---and every historian for that matter---should be required to read chapter four of John Fea's recent book, Was America Founded as a Christian Nation?: A Historical Introduction. The chapter's title is "History for the Faithful: The Contemporary Defenders of Christian America." Fea lays out his view of five themes covered in recent popular books by those who want to prove---and among those who want to believe---the thesis that America is a Christian nation.



3. Here's another survey text covering the last 40 years of American history: Jeff Madrick's Age of Greed. Color me green with intrigue. It's amazing to me how the Sixties serve as an impregnable analytical wall---a wall that forces historians to write about it directly, aim for it, or launch from it. Few who narrate broadly seem to write through it.



But hey, these are just my ideas for discussion. I'm open to anything else you want cover. - TL

Jumat, 13 Mei 2011

Tim's Light Reading (5-13-2011)

1. Beneke and Stephens on Barton and Stewart

Chris Beneke and Randall Stephens discuss "The Daily Show's Limits" in a May 10, 2011 Christian Century article. Here's the opening one-third of the piece (bolds mine):

"Open conversation that leads to nothing."

That's how Jon Stewart summed up his interview with popular right-wing historian David Barton. He was right. After 30 minutes of glib back-and-forth with Barton (ten of which made it onto TV), Stewart was flummoxed, worn down, unfunny:




As the air left the room, the conversation exposed the gaping ideological divide between Americans--and the challenges we face in bridging it.

Conservatives who go on the Daily Show usually end up looking the fool. But Stewart met his match in Barton, an ideological warrior revered by Glenn Beck and Mike Huckabee. Stewart's razor wit and trademark blue index cards were no match for Barton's prodigious memory and unwavering insistence that America's Christian founding has been erased by secular elites.

The show's staff probably thought Barton could be caricatured as a half-crazed ideologue, unconcerned with larger inconvenient truths. Perhaps they figured that a few well-chosen facts that don't fit his God-and-country narrative would render him speechless, that he would crumble under the relentless ironic jabs. But if it were just a matter of enumerating quotations and dates, members of Congress wouldn't be calling Barton to provide them with the founders' views on deficits, stem cell research and stimulus programs. Barton offers his listeners something much more alluring.

One thing we learned from Stewart's tête-à-tête with Barton is that anecdote-ridden claims can't be countered with more anecdotes. What Stewart never articulated was the essential function of history--using the preponderance of evidence to provide a credible context for understanding the past and the present. Barton presents himself as the high priest of founding texts and the arbiter of honest truth.


If you're interested in a thorough debunking of Barton's claims as made on The Daily Show, read through John Fea's series at The Way of Improvement Leads Home.


2. PhilPapers Notes: Two Forthcoming Articles of Interest (with abstracts)

(a) D. Howard (forthcoming). "Why Study the History of Political Thought?" Philosophy and Social Criticism.

This article explains why its author has spent much of the past decade rediscovering the history of political thought (rather than enter into the fray of political philosophy as it has been practised since Rawls). The article is only an illustration; but its virtue is that it summarizes in a short space the thesis developed in my book The Primacy of the Political: A History of Political Thought from the Greeks to the American and French Revolutions . It lays out a general theory of the political, demonstrates that there exists an inherent anti-political tendency within all politics (as seen in the rise of 20 th-century totalitarianism), and tries to suggest how this difficulty can be confronted.

(b) Melinda Rosenberg (forthcoming). "Principled Autonomy and Plagiarism." Journal of Academic Ethics.

Every semester, professors in every discipline are burdened with the task of checking for plagiarized papers. Since plagiarism has become rampant in the university, it can be argued that devoting time to checking for plagiarism is nothing more than a fool’s errand. Students will continue to plagiarize regardless of the consequences. In this paper, I will argue that professors do have a categorically binding obligation to confirm whether papers have been plagiarized. I will use Onora O'Neill’s account of principled autonomy as the foundation for my argument. Moral agents can only act on principles that can be adopted by all. Dishonesty cannot be adopted since honesty would cease to exist. Furthermore, failing to check for plagiarized papers is a failure to treat all students and professors and ends-in-themselves.


3. Movie Audiences Yawned at Atlas Shrugged


Producer John Aglialoro was dismayed at reviews of his feature film take on Ayn Rand's Atlas Shrugged. Scott McLemee also didn't like the film. Here's an excerpt from his review (bolds mine):

The full course of Randian thought-reform is itself quite demanding, however. Most conversions to Rand’s worldview prove halfhearted. Many are called, but few are Galtian. The world, or at least the United States, is full of people who remember the novels fondly, and vote Republican, while otherwise falling short of the glory. Rand would have scorned them. She was good at scorn, and hardcore Objectivists get a lot of practice at it as well.

But her fans -- as distinct from her followers, sometimes called Randroids, though never by each other -- form the real constituency for the "Atlas Shrugged" movie now in theaters. It is only the first of two or three parts. Whether the project will be finished appears to be a matter of debate among the moviemakers themselves. Clearly, though, it's going over well with its intended market, to judge by the Twitterchat hailing it as one of the great films of all time. And when I saw it in New York this weekend, the audience clapped at the end, as the credits began to roll.

By that point, my capacity for disbelief had been tested quite enough for one evening; the applause seemed one challenge to it too many. The problem with this incarnation of Atlas Shrugged is not ideology but competence. The film looks cheap. Its cinematography is at roughly the level of a TV show from the 1980s. Rand’s plot is almost operatic in its indifference to plausibility, but none of the cast is up to the challenge.



4. "Cunning Forces Are Seeking To Bend History To Their Will"

The NYT's Kate Kernike speculates on "The Persistence of Conspiracy Theories" in this 4/30 article. Here are some highlights from the piece (bolds and links mine):

[Conspiracy theories] have a long history in the United States and elsewhere, coming from left and right, covering all sorts of subjects, political and otherworldly (the twin towers were not hit by airplanes; Paul is dead). And those who doubt Mr. Obama’s citizenship fit the mold of other conspiracy theorists: they don’t lose their grip on their beliefs easily, if at all.

“It almost becomes an article of faith, and as with any theological belief, you can’t confront it with facts,” said Kenneth D. Kitts, a professor of political science at the University of North Carolina at Pembroke who has written extensively about presidential commissions that looked into events that have generated some of the biggest conspiracy theories of the last century — the attack on Pearl Harbor and the assassination of John F. Kennedy, among others. ...

Eighty percent of Americans, he said, believe that President Kennedy was killed by a conspiracy, rather than a lone gunman, as a government commission affirmed. Thirty percent believe that the government covered up aliens’ landing in Roswell, N.M., and a third of American blacks believe that government scientists created AIDS as a weapon of black genocide. ...

By definition, Professor Goldberg said, a conspiracy theory is a belief that cunning forces are seeking to bend history to their will, provoking terror attacks or economic calamity to move the world in the direction they wish. ...

The strong embrace of conspiracy theories is also embedded in the American experience. A fear of enemies — real and imagined, internal and external — defined those who forged this country. A place created as God’s country was bound to see the subversions of Satan behind every uncertain turn.

As Professor Goldberg writes in an encyclopedia, Conspiracy Theories in American History: “Conspiracy theory draws power by merging with and reinforcing traditional American values and beliefs: a sense of mission, Protestant supremacy, concerns about encroachments on liberty, anti-elitism, maintenance of the racial order, and the sanctity of private property.”


Again, this is a great article. Read it all here. - TL

Tim's Light Reading (5-13-2011)

1. Beneke and Stephens on Barton and Stewart

Chris Beneke and Randall Stephens discuss "The Daily Show's Limits" in a May 10, 2011 Christian Century article. Here's the opening one-third of the piece (bolds mine):

"Open conversation that leads to nothing."

That's how Jon Stewart summed up his interview with popular right-wing historian David Barton. He was right. After 30 minutes of glib back-and-forth with Barton (ten of which made it onto TV), Stewart was flummoxed, worn down, unfunny:




As the air left the room, the conversation exposed the gaping ideological divide between Americans--and the challenges we face in bridging it.

Conservatives who go on the Daily Show usually end up looking the fool. But Stewart met his match in Barton, an ideological warrior revered by Glenn Beck and Mike Huckabee. Stewart's razor wit and trademark blue index cards were no match for Barton's prodigious memory and unwavering insistence that America's Christian founding has been erased by secular elites.

The show's staff probably thought Barton could be caricatured as a half-crazed ideologue, unconcerned with larger inconvenient truths. Perhaps they figured that a few well-chosen facts that don't fit his God-and-country narrative would render him speechless, that he would crumble under the relentless ironic jabs. But if it were just a matter of enumerating quotations and dates, members of Congress wouldn't be calling Barton to provide them with the founders' views on deficits, stem cell research and stimulus programs. Barton offers his listeners something much more alluring.

One thing we learned from Stewart's tête-à-tête with Barton is that anecdote-ridden claims can't be countered with more anecdotes. What Stewart never articulated was the essential function of history--using the preponderance of evidence to provide a credible context for understanding the past and the present. Barton presents himself as the high priest of founding texts and the arbiter of honest truth.


If you're interested in a thorough debunking of Barton's claims as made on The Daily Show, read through John Fea's series at The Way of Improvement Leads Home.


2. PhilPapers Notes: Two Forthcoming Articles of Interest (with abstracts)

(a) D. Howard (forthcoming). "Why Study the History of Political Thought?" Philosophy and Social Criticism.

This article explains why its author has spent much of the past decade rediscovering the history of political thought (rather than enter into the fray of political philosophy as it has been practised since Rawls). The article is only an illustration; but its virtue is that it summarizes in a short space the thesis developed in my book The Primacy of the Political: A History of Political Thought from the Greeks to the American and French Revolutions . It lays out a general theory of the political, demonstrates that there exists an inherent anti-political tendency within all politics (as seen in the rise of 20 th-century totalitarianism), and tries to suggest how this difficulty can be confronted.

(b) Melinda Rosenberg (forthcoming). "Principled Autonomy and Plagiarism." Journal of Academic Ethics.

Every semester, professors in every discipline are burdened with the task of checking for plagiarized papers. Since plagiarism has become rampant in the university, it can be argued that devoting time to checking for plagiarism is nothing more than a fool’s errand. Students will continue to plagiarize regardless of the consequences. In this paper, I will argue that professors do have a categorically binding obligation to confirm whether papers have been plagiarized. I will use Onora O'Neill’s account of principled autonomy as the foundation for my argument. Moral agents can only act on principles that can be adopted by all. Dishonesty cannot be adopted since honesty would cease to exist. Furthermore, failing to check for plagiarized papers is a failure to treat all students and professors and ends-in-themselves.


3. Movie Audiences Yawned at Atlas Shrugged


Producer John Aglialoro was dismayed at reviews of his feature film take on Ayn Rand's Atlas Shrugged. Scott McLemee also didn't like the film. Here's an excerpt from his review (bolds mine):

The full course of Randian thought-reform is itself quite demanding, however. Most conversions to Rand’s worldview prove halfhearted. Many are called, but few are Galtian. The world, or at least the United States, is full of people who remember the novels fondly, and vote Republican, while otherwise falling short of the glory. Rand would have scorned them. She was good at scorn, and hardcore Objectivists get a lot of practice at it as well.

But her fans -- as distinct from her followers, sometimes called Randroids, though never by each other -- form the real constituency for the "Atlas Shrugged" movie now in theaters. It is only the first of two or three parts. Whether the project will be finished appears to be a matter of debate among the moviemakers themselves. Clearly, though, it's going over well with its intended market, to judge by the Twitterchat hailing it as one of the great films of all time. And when I saw it in New York this weekend, the audience clapped at the end, as the credits began to roll.

By that point, my capacity for disbelief had been tested quite enough for one evening; the applause seemed one challenge to it too many. The problem with this incarnation of Atlas Shrugged is not ideology but competence. The film looks cheap. Its cinematography is at roughly the level of a TV show from the 1980s. Rand’s plot is almost operatic in its indifference to plausibility, but none of the cast is up to the challenge.



4. "Cunning Forces Are Seeking To Bend History To Their Will"

The NYT's Kate Kernike speculates on "The Persistence of Conspiracy Theories" in this 4/30 article. Here are some highlights from the piece (bolds and links mine):

[Conspiracy theories] have a long history in the United States and elsewhere, coming from left and right, covering all sorts of subjects, political and otherworldly (the twin towers were not hit by airplanes; Paul is dead). And those who doubt Mr. Obama’s citizenship fit the mold of other conspiracy theorists: they don’t lose their grip on their beliefs easily, if at all.

“It almost becomes an article of faith, and as with any theological belief, you can’t confront it with facts,” said Kenneth D. Kitts, a professor of political science at the University of North Carolina at Pembroke who has written extensively about presidential commissions that looked into events that have generated some of the biggest conspiracy theories of the last century — the attack on Pearl Harbor and the assassination of John F. Kennedy, among others. ...

Eighty percent of Americans, he said, believe that President Kennedy was killed by a conspiracy, rather than a lone gunman, as a government commission affirmed. Thirty percent believe that the government covered up aliens’ landing in Roswell, N.M., and a third of American blacks believe that government scientists created AIDS as a weapon of black genocide. ...

By definition, Professor Goldberg said, a conspiracy theory is a belief that cunning forces are seeking to bend history to their will, provoking terror attacks or economic calamity to move the world in the direction they wish. ...

The strong embrace of conspiracy theories is also embedded in the American experience. A fear of enemies — real and imagined, internal and external — defined those who forged this country. A place created as God’s country was bound to see the subversions of Satan behind every uncertain turn.

As Professor Goldberg writes in an encyclopedia, Conspiracy Theories in American History: “Conspiracy theory draws power by merging with and reinforcing traditional American values and beliefs: a sense of mission, Protestant supremacy, concerns about encroachments on liberty, anti-elitism, maintenance of the racial order, and the sanctity of private property.”


Again, this is a great article. Read it all here. - TL

Kamis, 05 Mei 2011

Myth, History, And David Barton: Required Reading On The New Christian Right

Like many of you, I'm in the midst of grading finals and conducting the necessary business of wrapping up a semester. As a result today's post will be brief.

Read this. Here are some teaser excerpts:

------------------------------------------
"[David] Barton is a self-taught historian who is described by several conservative presidential aspirants as a valued adviser and a source of historical and biblical justification for their policies. He is so popular that evangelical pastors travel across states to hear his rapid-fire presentations on how the United States was founded as a Christian nation and is on the road to ruin, thanks to secularists and the Supreme Court, or on the lost political power of the clergy.

Through two decades of prolific, if disputed, research and some 400 speeches a year on what he calls the forgotten Christian roots of America, Mr. Barton, 57, a former school principal and an ordained minister, has steadily built a reputation as a guiding spirit of the religious right. Keeping an exhaustive schedule, hhttp://www.blogger.com/img/blank.gife is also immersed in the nuts and bolts of politics and maintains a network of 700 anti-abortion state legislators.
http://www.blogger.com/img/blank.gif
Many historians call his research flawed, but Mr. Barton’s influence appears to be greater than ever. ...

Mr. Huckabee, who has known Mr. Barton since his days as governor of Arkansas, calls him 'maybe the greatest living historian on the spiritual nature of America’s early days.' "
------------------------------------------

For more on Barton at a site without a paywall, try Religion Dispatches (particularly here, here, and here---all authored by Julie Ingersoll).

Let's discuss. - TL

Myth, History, And David Barton: Required Reading On The New Christian Right

Like many of you, I'm in the midst of grading finals and conducting the necessary business of wrapping up a semester. As a result today's post will be brief.

Read this. Here are some teaser excerpts:

------------------------------------------
"[David] Barton is a self-taught historian who is described by several conservative presidential aspirants as a valued adviser and a source of historical and biblical justification for their policies. He is so popular that evangelical pastors travel across states to hear his rapid-fire presentations on how the United States was founded as a Christian nation and is on the road to ruin, thanks to secularists and the Supreme Court, or on the lost political power of the clergy.

Through two decades of prolific, if disputed, research and some 400 speeches a year on what he calls the forgotten Christian roots of America, Mr. Barton, 57, a former school principal and an ordained minister, has steadily built a reputation as a guiding spirit of the religious right. Keeping an exhaustive schedule, hhttp://www.blogger.com/img/blank.gife is also immersed in the nuts and bolts of politics and maintains a network of 700 anti-abortion state legislators.
http://www.blogger.com/img/blank.gif
Many historians call his research flawed, but Mr. Barton’s influence appears to be greater than ever. ...

Mr. Huckabee, who has known Mr. Barton since his days as governor of Arkansas, calls him 'maybe the greatest living historian on the spiritual nature of America’s early days.' "
------------------------------------------

For more on Barton at a site without a paywall, try Religion Dispatches (particularly here, here, and here---all authored by Julie Ingersoll).

Let's discuss. - TL