Tampilkan postingan dengan label David Brooks. Tampilkan semua postingan
Tampilkan postingan dengan label David Brooks. Tampilkan semua postingan

Senin, 17 Oktober 2011

Will "Straussianism" Become Like "Deconstruction" in Popular Discourse?

 Begging for a Straussian Reading of Some Kind?
Yesterday, Tim Lacy called my attention to this piece by Matt Yglesias in which he analyzes a recent piece by New York Times columnist David Brooks.

"David Brooks’ column 'The Thing Itself' is just begging for a Straussian reading of some kind," Yglesias begins.  Even as a student of popular anti-Straussianism, I was initially at something of a loss to see what Yglesias was talking about.

Brooks's column is--or perhaps one should say in deference to Yglesias "appears to be"--a celebration of outgoing Port Authority head Chris Ward and his, at least according to Brooks, extremely practical approach to rebuilding at Ground Zero.  Brooks then uses Ward's practicality-over-symbolism as a positive contrast to a variety of issues that Brooks argues have been dominated by "culture war" purism, e.g. the politics of gun ownership and Obama's Green Tech initiative.*

But according to Yglesias, this isn't really what the column is about.


Pointing out that the column's title phrase (repeated in its body) is a translation of Kant's Ding an sich, which is "unknowable and inexpressible," Yglesias suggests that the column is thus really arguing something quite different:
The basic topic of the column is perfectly plausible here. A call for people to be more practical. But why link that idea specifically to Kant’s phrase, and then use it to call for us to do something that Kant says is impossible? I get a distinct air of Leo Strauss and the University of Chicago around this. Brooks is winking at those of us in the know to signal to us that there’s a deeper meaning afoot. The esoteric argument, I think, is that people necessarily engage with mass politics on a symbolic and expressive level rather than a practical way (voting isn’t very practical) so our endeavors are doomed to failure.
Why would an argument of the sort that Yglesias suggests Brooks is making have to be presented esoterically? How does it in any way contradict the explicit message of the piece?  Far from challenging the conventional wisdom of our day, the idea that mass politics is inherently irrational and militates against practical solutions is practically a dogma of our nation's punditocracy.  And it certainly doesn't contradict Brooks's explicit praise for the practicality of an appointed official.

But there's a more basic problem here.  David Brooks isn't a Straussian.  Indeed, before I saw this piece, I would have told you that, in an era in which practically everyone on the right has gotten called a Straussian by somebody at one time or another, Brooks had the relatively rare distinction of never being so labelled. After all, Brooks seems more interested in the nonexistent salad bar at Applebee's than in the "timeless questions" that Straussians concern themselves with.  Even when Brooks considered questions of human nature in his latest book, The Social Animal, he turned to (poorly understood and popularized) neuroscience, rather than to Socratic philosophy, to explain it.

But then I discovered that Yglesias, at least, has been calling Brooks a Straussian for years.  The 2005 Brooks column Yglesias focuses on in this earlier piece is even less "Straussian" than  the one about Chris Ward. Written on the eve of President George W. Bush's first Supreme Court appointment, Brooks starts by calling on Dubya to look for a "philosophical powerhouse," then suggests Michael McConnell, whom Brooks praises for having a less strict understanding of the separation of church and state.  Yglesias correctly points out that the column's first argument--that Presidents should appoint smart people to the court--is not its most important, which is that the separation of church and state should be eased.  But burying the lede as Brooks does here is hardly an example of esotericism, let alone Straussianism.

As far as I can tell, the case that Brooks is a Straussian is based on guilt by extremely vague association. He is Jewish. He's arguably a neoconservative.  He went to the University of Chicago.

However, Brooks majored in history. And, as readers of this blog are well aware, there's nothing remotely Straussian about the History Department at Chicago...or for that matter about most departments at Chicago beyond Political Science and the Committee on Social Thought (even they include plenty of non-Straussians alongside their Straussians).

And what makes this column "Straussian"? It has a reference to a German philosophical concept that would likely go over the heads of many readers.  It disparages democratic politics. And it does so in a way that doesn't emphasize that argument.

But, like the earlier Brooks column that Yglesias called Straussian, this column's argument is not an instance of esotericism in the Straussian (or for that matter any other) sense. Brooks disparages politics entirely openly in the piece. Chris Ward, whom he praises, notably didn't get his job via election; he was appointed, first by Mayor Michael Bloomberg to another post, and then by Governor David Paterson, to his current one.  Brooks does like to sugarcoat his often quite conservative arguments in moderate-sounding rhetoric. But, again, that's not esotericism.

There are a number of pretty simple lessons here: Not all neoconservatives are Straussians.  Not all graduates of the University of Chicago are Straussians.  Not all elitists are Straussians. People besides Straussians sometimes make references to highfalutin' German philosophical concepts.  People besides Straussians try to tailor their arguments for their audience...and there are many ways to do so that do not involve esotericism. And people besides Straussians sometimes harbor anti-democratic political views.

But I also wonder whether we are beginning to see the term "Straussian" take a rhetorical journey similar to that which "deconstruction" took in the last quarter of the twentieth century. "Deconstruction" began life as a technical term coined by Jacques Derrida to describe his method of reading a text. It then entered popular language as a pejorative to describe any abstruse form of textual analysis. And then the pejorative connotation began to fall away.  Today people often say "deconstruct" when they really mean nothing more than "analyze carefully."
______________________________

* This argument really is classic Brooks.  Immediately after making a pseudo-moderate, pox-on-both-houses argument about the essentially dead issue of gun control, Brooks hauls out a standard, right-wing Republican talkingpoint about a very live issue:  "President Obama’s Green Tech initiative has become a policy disaster — not only at Solyndra but at one program after another — because its champions ignored basic practical considerations. They were befogged by their own visions of purity and virtue."

Kamis, 11 Maret 2010

Tim's Light Reading (3/11/2010)

1. Thinking About Public Intellectuals: Harvard is hosting a conference on public intellectuals next month with the theme "Speaking Truth to Power." In the late afternoon on the first day is a symposium that looks to be a future-oriented reprise of our USIH Wingspread panel from last November. Otherwise, the program looks excellent.

2. A Useful Derrida? Or should I say a Derrida that might become useful to historians? Andrew Dunstall, a USIH 2.0 participant last fall, wonders about a new, materialist approach--a retranslation, if you will---to reading Derrida's writing and thinking.

3. The Meaning of the Tea Party: About a week ago David Brooks the amateur political-intellectual historian (again) paralleled the Tea Party to the New Left of the 1960s. (Aside: I agree with his observation about both ~not~ being conservative movements.) Brooks' column came on the heels of a Michael Lind article in Salon the week before where Lind called Glenn Beck the new Abbie Hoffman. A few days after Brooks' piece, Todd Gitlin refuted him in a post at Talking Points Memo. I don't have a dog in this fight because I have no stake in protecting either the Tea Party or the reputation of the sixties New Left. Still, it's an interesting intellectual history discussion because it speaks to how we define both ideology (e.g. paranoia), anti-intellectualism (e.g. paranoia again, radical anti-statism), and atavism as a historiographical causal issue (cyclical-ness).

4. A New Lead-Off Hitter for Grad School Historiography Courses? All intellectual historians love reading about historiography (right?). With that in mind, Adam Arenson makes the case, at Making History Podcast: The Blog, that Allan Megill’s Historical Knowledge, Historical Error (U of C Press, 2007) should replace Peter Novick's That Noble Dream. Discuss. ...In the meantime, it looks like I have yet another book to add to my infinitely expanding reading list.

5. Off-Topic: It looks like expectations for "treatment" by the nursing profession in Amsterdam are on the rise. Boy oh boy. - TL

Tim's Light Reading (3/11/2010)

1. Thinking About Public Intellectuals: Harvard is hosting a conference on public intellectuals next month with the theme "Speaking Truth to Power." In the late afternoon on the first day is a symposium that looks to be a future-oriented reprise of our USIH Wingspread panel from last November. Otherwise, the program looks excellent.

2. A Useful Derrida? Or should I say a Derrida that might become useful to historians? Andrew Dunstall, a USIH 2.0 participant last fall, wonders about a new, materialist approach--a retranslation, if you will---to reading Derrida's writing and thinking.

3. The Meaning of the Tea Party: About a week ago David Brooks the amateur political-intellectual historian (again) paralleled the Tea Party to the New Left of the 1960s. (Aside: I agree with his observation about both ~not~ being conservative movements.) Brooks' column came on the heels of a Michael Lind article in Salon the week before where Lind called Glenn Beck the new Abbie Hoffman. A few days after Brooks' piece, Todd Gitlin refuted him in a post at Talking Points Memo. I don't have a dog in this fight because I have no stake in protecting either the Tea Party or the reputation of the sixties New Left. Still, it's an interesting intellectual history discussion because it speaks to how we define both ideology (e.g. paranoia), anti-intellectualism (e.g. paranoia again, radical anti-statism), and atavism as a historiographical causal issue (cyclical-ness).

4. A New Lead-Off Hitter for Grad School Historiography Courses? All intellectual historians love reading about historiography (right?). With that in mind, Adam Arenson makes the case, at Making History Podcast: The Blog, that Allan Megill’s Historical Knowledge, Historical Error (U of C Press, 2007) should replace Peter Novick's That Noble Dream. Discuss. ...In the meantime, it looks like I have yet another book to add to my infinitely expanding reading list.

5. Off-Topic: It looks like expectations for "treatment" by the nursing profession in Amsterdam are on the rise. Boy oh boy. - TL

Sabtu, 06 Februari 2010

Niebuhr And Obama: Part Cinq

We've discussed Obama's connections to Reinhold Niebuhr here (Paul Murphy post), here (Andrew Hartman post), here (Hartman again), and here (David Sehat). Since we've left the discussion alone for almost two years, I thought I'd pick it up again at the instigation of this long CNN feature, titled: "How Obama's favorite theologian shaped his first year in office" and authored by John Blake. Questions:

1. Do we agree with the points of the feature?
2. Is Niebuhr Obama's favorite philosopher, theologian, or both? The article's title uses the term "theologian," but the text cites a "widely cited New York Times column" where "President Obama called Niebuhr his 'favorite philosopher.' " We've talked about a Dionne citation/column here (via TNR, although I couldn't find the exact Dionne piece in TNR?). But CNN is apparently referring to an earlier piece by David Brooks who they cite later in the column (though he's not explicitly attached to the prior NYT reference). Anyway, I wonder which of the specialties of knowledge precisely fits Obama's view of Niebuhr.

As a former Missourian, I can't resist noting the last section of the CNN piece in relation to Missouri's former three-term senator, John Danforth. Here's the excerpt:

"Niebuhr would have loved that [Oslo] speech," says John Danforth, an Episcopal priest and a former Republican senator who also admires Niebuhr.

"I was very impressed with that speech," Danforth says. "He said you need to deal with terrorists in a very hard-nosed, pragmatic way but hold to American standards."

Yet Danforth says there are critical differences between Obama and Niebuhr.

"I see in Obama's approach to politics, which is surprisingly partisan and ideological, a hubris that is not Niebuhrian," says Danforth, who is also a partner at the Bryan Cave law firm in St. Louis, Missouri.


But how true, or non-ideological, is that last statement? When Danforth makes those claims, which hat is he wearing: Episcopal priest? Former Republican? Bryan Cave law firm partner (a firm that specializes in corporate transactions)? Global Leadership Foundation member? Or just that of a regular concerned citizen?

BTW: Avoid the 120-plus CNN comments if you can. They're depressing in their obtuseness. - TL

Niebuhr And Obama: Part Cinq

We've discussed Obama's connections to Reinhold Niebuhr here (Paul Murphy post), here (Andrew Hartman post), here (Hartman again), and here (David Sehat). Since we've left the discussion alone for almost two years, I thought I'd pick it up again at the instigation of this long CNN feature, titled: "How Obama's favorite theologian shaped his first year in office" and authored by John Blake. Questions:

1. Do we agree with the points of the feature?
2. Is Niebuhr Obama's favorite philosopher, theologian, or both? The article's title uses the term "theologian," but the text cites a "widely cited New York Times column" where "President Obama called Niebuhr his 'favorite philosopher.' " We've talked about a Dionne citation/column here (via TNR, although I couldn't find the exact Dionne piece in TNR?). But CNN is apparently referring to an earlier piece by David Brooks who they cite later in the column (though he's not explicitly attached to the prior NYT reference). Anyway, I wonder which of the specialties of knowledge precisely fits Obama's view of Niebuhr.

As a former Missourian, I can't resist noting the last section of the CNN piece in relation to Missouri's former three-term senator, John Danforth. Here's the excerpt:

"Niebuhr would have loved that [Oslo] speech," says John Danforth, an Episcopal priest and a former Republican senator who also admires Niebuhr.

"I was very impressed with that speech," Danforth says. "He said you need to deal with terrorists in a very hard-nosed, pragmatic way but hold to American standards."

Yet Danforth says there are critical differences between Obama and Niebuhr.

"I see in Obama's approach to politics, which is surprisingly partisan and ideological, a hubris that is not Niebuhrian," says Danforth, who is also a partner at the Bryan Cave law firm in St. Louis, Missouri.


But how true, or non-ideological, is that last statement? When Danforth makes those claims, which hat is he wearing: Episcopal priest? Former Republican? Bryan Cave law firm partner (a firm that specializes in corporate transactions)? Global Leadership Foundation member? Or just that of a regular concerned citizen?

BTW: Avoid the 120-plus CNN comments if you can. They're depressing in their obtuseness. - TL

Kamis, 17 September 2009

David Brooks' Short History Of Humility And Narcissism: What's Missing?

A September 15 New York Times op-ed by David Brooks, titled "High-Five Nation," explores the notion of humility since World War II. Set off, no doubt, by the recent outburst of South Carolina's Republican congressman Joe Wilson---who is mentioned in the article---Brooks looks backward for the roots of incivility and narcissism in the United States. [Thanks to John Fea for bringing the op-ed to my attention.]

Brooks's piece is an extended compare-and-contrast between 1945 and today. He looks closely at Western democratic humility at the close of World War II, as opposed to the pomposity of fascism, and then quickly brings the narrative to the present with only brief notes of Muhammad Ali and Norman Mailer's self-promoting personas. The present includes citations of Joe Wilson, Kanye West, and Michael Jordan. The only thing missing at the end was Tucker Max. But I admire Brooks's restrained conclusion: "This isn’t the death of civilization. It’s just the culture in which we live." It isn't worth it to get riled up over people like Mr. Max; indeed, if you do, you're feeding the beast.

Christopher Lasch's name isn't mentioned, but his thinking is all over Brooks's op-ed. The article is clearly a extension, a brief updating, of Lasch's Culture of Narcissism. I've read around this book for ten years, but have somehow avoided a close study. Given my sympathies I'm surprised by my own neglect.

But I don't need to Lasch to tell me about how things have developed---and how Brooks's op-ed is short-sighted in its hindsight. By stopping at World War II---an event that interrupted a great many trends in U.S. history---Brooks ignores the means by which we are assaulted on a daily basis with excess personality, incivility, crass behavior, rudeness, and the constant stream of self-promotion. Of course I'm talking about newspapers, television, film, radio, and now the internet. Because the barrier of literacy is missing with the middle three media, they become the culprits of quickening. Those media incessantly broadcast the beams of narcissism. But even a focus on media is somewhat myopic.

The real culprit is the desire for fame and riches---the desire to be a star. Film enabled the star system paradigm and star worship, but the desire to be a star, of any kind seemingly, has become part of the so-called American Dream since the 1920s. The star system, in sum, is part and parcel with the advent of American Modernity after World War I and the rise of the film system. Today everyone seemingly wants to be "in pictures"---no matter the level of nastiness or crudeness it takes to get there. I'm not denying a link to narcissism or Lasch, who I believe is feeding Brooks's thinking. It's just that the roots of the problem run deeper than WWII.

So rather than high-five Brooks for his piece, I'd give him the more subdued Obama fist bump. The op-ed is on the right track, it just stops a few years short of the most relevant historical touchstones. - TL

David Brooks' Short History Of Humility And Narcissism: What's Missing?

A September 15 New York Times op-ed by David Brooks, titled "High-Five Nation," explores the notion of humility since World War II. Set off, no doubt, by the recent outburst of South Carolina's Republican congressman Joe Wilson---who is mentioned in the article---Brooks looks backward for the roots of incivility and narcissism in the United States. [Thanks to John Fea for bringing the op-ed to my attention.]

Brooks's piece is an extended compare-and-contrast between 1945 and today. He looks closely at Western democratic humility at the close of World War II, as opposed to the pomposity of fascism, and then quickly brings the narrative to the present with only brief notes of Muhammad Ali and Norman Mailer's self-promoting personas. The present includes citations of Joe Wilson, Kanye West, and Michael Jordan. The only thing missing at the end was Tucker Max. But I admire Brooks's restrained conclusion: "This isn’t the death of civilization. It’s just the culture in which we live." It isn't worth it to get riled up over people like Mr. Max; indeed, if you do, you're feeding the beast.

Christopher Lasch's name isn't mentioned, but his thinking is all over Brooks's op-ed. The article is clearly a extension, a brief updating, of Lasch's Culture of Narcissism. I've read around this book for ten years, but have somehow avoided a close study. Given my sympathies I'm surprised by my own neglect.

But I don't need to Lasch to tell me about how things have developed---and how Brooks's op-ed is short-sighted in its hindsight. By stopping at World War II---an event that interrupted a great many trends in U.S. history---Brooks ignores the means by which we are assaulted on a daily basis with excess personality, incivility, crass behavior, rudeness, and the constant stream of self-promotion. Of course I'm talking about newspapers, television, film, radio, and now the internet. Because the barrier of literacy is missing with the middle three media, they become the culprits of quickening. Those media incessantly broadcast the beams of narcissism. But even a focus on media is somewhat myopic.

The real culprit is the desire for fame and riches---the desire to be a star. Film enabled the star system paradigm and star worship, but the desire to be a star, of any kind seemingly, has become part of the so-called American Dream since the 1920s. The star system, in sum, is part and parcel with the advent of American Modernity after World War I and the rise of the film system. Today everyone seemingly wants to be "in pictures"---no matter the level of nastiness or crudeness it takes to get there. I'm not denying a link to narcissism or Lasch, who I believe is feeding Brooks's thinking. It's just that the roots of the problem run deeper than WWII.

So rather than high-five Brooks for his piece, I'd give him the more subdued Obama fist bump. The op-ed is on the right track, it just stops a few years short of the most relevant historical touchstones. - TL